on sale now at amazon

on sale now at amazon
"I don't like this book because it don't got know pictures" Chief Rhorerer

“It’s becoming a disturbingly familiar scene in America - mentally unstable cops”

“It’s becoming a disturbingly familiar scene in America - mentally unstable cops”
“It’s becoming a disturbingly familiar scene in America - mentally unstable cops”

In all due respect, The Post is correct in its assertions

2013 Fairfax Police Shooting of Unarmed Man With Hands Up Leading to New Training, Policies

From Reason .Org
The police's image has to improve, says a communications subcommittee charged with proposing reforms.

Ed Krayewski|Jul. 24, 2015 12:15 pm

Maura Harrington/via the Washington PostIn August 2013, a Fairfax county police officer shot and killed John Geer as the unarmed man stood in the doorway of his home, then waited an hour to provide medical assistance while his family pleaded for help. 
Local authorities refused to release the name of the officer who shot Geer for 17 months, identifying him as Adam Torres only after the family filed a wrongful death suit against the county's police chief. Fairfax County settled for $2.95 million in taxpayer money, but refused to admit any liability or wrongdoing as part of the settlement. 
The county is still, technically, deciding whether to charge Torres, as an internal investigation remains open nearly two years after the killing of Geer. The lawsuit did uncover some new information about the incident—several witnesses, including four police officers, contradicted Torres' assertion that Geer was reaching for his waistband. They say he had his hands near his head.
Local outrage over the slow pace of the Geer investigation, and a lack of transparency from Fairfax county police, led the county to set upan "Ad Hoc Police Practices Review Commission" with five subcommittees to propose reforms:  on communications, independent oversight and investigation, mental health and crisis intervention training, recruitment, diversity and vetting, and use of force.
A new report from the communications subcommittee decries the "lip service" paid to transparency by county police. Via the Washington Post:

"Communications in recent high-profile use-of-force and critical incident cases were mishandled, inadequate and untimely" the report states, "leading to loss of public trust and questions about the legitimacy of police actions…If the department had policies that fostered real transparency, it's unlikely the controversies in recent years would have lasted so long and there likely would not have even been a call to form this commission."

That's a questionable assertion—Geer was shot while unarmed and standing in the doorway of his home. Had county police been more forthcoming about what happened and that the officer who killed Geer would not face any serious consequences, would that have allayed public outrage? More worryingly, the assertion implies preventing public outrage is more important than adopting new policies that impose accountability onto police officers.
The report did have specific recommendations, including that police should:
release the names of officers involved in shootings within a week, saying the national average is two days, and to immediately release all video and audio recordings if a citizen is killed. The committee also calls on the police to shorten the current 6-20 month timeframe to internally investigate officer-involved shootings and be responsive to questions from the public and news media.
The Torres investigation has been open for more nearly 24 months. Some of the transparency issues, the Washington Post and the subcommittee report note, arise from a state freedom of information law that provides an exception to records in "criminal investigative files," which county police use to reject requests for any police reports. While the Fairfax county government should, theoretically, have the power to order police to limit their use of that exception, a deputy county attorney told the subcommittee it should get the state law changed if they want the practice of rejecting FOIA requests to end. The issue of a lack of transparency in Fairfax police, especially when deadly force is involved, has been a long-standing concern.
The Police Executive Research Forum, an organization of police executives from around the country, had also been asked to review the county police's use of force policies. The review was requested before the Geer shooting but didn't start till nearly a year after Geer was killed. It includes 71 recommendations, such as including "de-escalation," a "duty to intervene" for cops who see other cops acting inappropriately, and a "sanctity of life" statement in the use of force policy. The report also recommends the county not train recruits on how to fire a gun as the first thing in their training.


Why don't we just buy a police uniform for Fairfax Commonwealth’s Attorney Raymond F. Morrogh and get on with it?

Fairfax prosecutors back off on calling police shooting victim’s daughter to grand jury

By Tom Jackman


In response to concerns raised by her family, the teenaged daughter of a man shot dead by a Fairfax County police officer in 2013 will not be called by prosecutors to testify before a special grand jury, which will begin its investigation in the Fairfax courthouse on Monday. But she will remain under subpoena and could still be called if the grand jurors seek her testimony, the family’s lawyer said Thursday.
John B. Geer, 46, was standing in the doorway of his Springfield townhouse on Aug. 29, 2013, when he was shot dead by Officer Adam D. Torres. Fairfax Commonwealth’s Attorney Raymond F. Morrogh has subpoenaed about 20 witnesses to appear before a special grand jury which will decide whether to indict Torres, including police officers who saw the shooting, Geer’s longtime girlfriend Maura Harrington, and their 19-year-old daughter Haylea Geer.
Haylea Geer did not witness the shooting, which occurred after a 42-minute standoff between Geer and the police. But she did see Geer’s behavior prior to the police arrival, when Geer was tossing Harrington’s belongings out of the house, police reports show. And reports show she also told detectives immediately after the shooting that her father could be abusive when drinking and had once put a gun to her mother’s head, which Harrington said was false.
[Family slams subpoena of John Geer’s teen daughter to Fairfax grand jury]
Harrington and her attorney, Michael Lieberman, were outraged that Haylea Geer was subpoenaed to testify, and Lieberman sent a letter to Morrogh asking that he reconsider. Morrogh responded with a letter Thursday saying that Haylea Geer would not have to appear when the grand jury begins hearing testimony Monday, so long as she was available on another date if the grand jurors themselves request her.
“The grand jury, itself,” Morrogh wrote, “can subpoena any person who they deem necessary to their deliberations. At the outset, it is my duty to begin the process by issuing subpoenas to the primary witnesses to the events in question. I have done so. At this point I cannot anticipate what the scope of the grand jury investigation will be.”
Morrogh wrote that he could not recall the subpoena to Haylea Geer, but would not ask her to testify, though the grand jury still might.
Lieberman said he was glad to learn of Morrogh’s decision. “We appreciate the courtesy,” Lieberman said, “and we don’t think she should ever have to appear. She did not see the incident where Torres intentionally shot her father.”
John Geer, having learned that Harrington was moving out of their Springfield home of 24 years, had begun throwing her belongings outside while their two daughters, then 17 and 12, watched and then called their mother. Harrington returned home from work and when Geer continued to toss her items around, she called 911. Torres and Officer David Neil responded, Geer retreated behind his screen door and, according to Torres, showed the officers a holstered pistol. Neil and Torres drew their weapons, and soon Officer Rodney Barnes arrived and began a 40-minute conversation with Geer before Torres suddenly fired one round into Geer’s chest.
Police reports show Torres claimed that Geer had suddenly jerked his hands to his waist. Barnes and three other officers, plus Geer’s father and best friend, all said Geer had his hands near his head, their statements show.
“John stood there for 45 minutes with his hands above his head,” Lieberman said, “speaking calmly with Officer Barnes, saying he didn’t want to die that day and then he was shot in the chest. Haylea doesn’t have anything to add to that…It is not the job of a prosecutor to put on a witness that is helpful to the defense. And hopefully, that’s not where they’re going.”
Morrogh declined to comment on the letter Thursday. Torres remains on the force, on desk duty, and has not faced any internal discipline either, though an internal affairs investigation began in September 2014. Fairfax settled the family’s civil suit in April for $2.95 million.

Tom Jackman is a native of Northern Virginia and has been covering the region for The Post since 1998.
















Body cameras and a new , progressive cheif


This, this report, dreamt up by Sharon “Show me the money” Bulova, is a toothless tiger all done for show at the expense of good and well-meaning people. 

The cops aren’t required to do anything this report recommends nor will they do anything recommended in this report.

Look, this is very simple. Put body cameras on the idiots, fire the chief of police and bring someone in from way, way, way outside the beltway to run things. Problem solved.





Report: Fairfax police need ‘real change — now’ in public communications

By Tom Jackman
A committee assigned to examine how the Fairfax County Police Department communicates with the public has issued a blunt report which pulls no punches: “Real change is needed — now,” the report says, criticizing the police for their “lip service to the idea of transparency” on both breaking incidents and routine information requests.
“It is well past time for the Fairfax County Police Department to start providing timely, honest and effective communications with everything it does,” the new report declares. “We deserve nothing less.”
The report was issued by one of five subcommittees formed within the Ad Hoc Police Practices Review Commission, formed by Fairfax Chairman Sharon Bulova in March after public outcry over the lack of information or movement in the still unresolved police shooting of John Geer in Springfield. Geer was shot and killed by Officer Adam D. Torres in August 2013 as he stood unarmed in the doorway of his home, but police refused to discuss the case or even disclose the officer’s name until January 2015, after Geer’s family sued Fairfax police Chief Edwin C. Roessler Jr. for wrongful death. A special grand jury is scheduled to begin hearing testimony on the case Monday.
In addiion to the Ad Hoc commission, an analysis of the Fairfax police’s use of force policies by the Police Executive Research Forum — requested by Roessler before the Geer shooting, but not launched until July 2014 — resulted in 71 recommended changes to the policies, and Roessler said he would make 70 of them. The changes are not drastic, but one in particular could be transformative: A suggestion that Fairfax not begin its training of new recruits with the mechanics of firing a gun, as it does now.
“PERF believes it is important to change this approach,” executive director Chuck Wexler wrote. “The first days and weeks of recruit training should focus on the most significant issues, concepts and values of policing in a democratic society,” to include the role of police in protecting constitutional rights, the sanctity of human life, use-of-force policies and crisis intervention strategies.
Wexler presented the report to the Ad Hoc commission last month, even though it has its own “Use of Force” subcommittee devising its own report. The following week, at the subcommittee’s meeting, Roessler said he embraced the PERF report, which also calls for revamping the way officers decide whether to use force and increasing the number of officers trained to deal with mentally disturbed subjects. Lawyer and commissioner Joseph Cammarata asked the chief whether he would do more than just issue new directives, but actually provide direct training on the new approaches.
“Will you be retraining everybody on use of force?” Cammarata asked.
“I have to. Yes,” Roessler said.
In addition to use of force, the Ad Hoc commission is focusing on four other areas: communications; mental health and crisis intervention training;recruitment, diversity and vetting; and independent oversight and investigations. All five subcommittees are to submit reports and recommendations to the full 34-member commission, for presentation to the Board of Supervisors on Oct. 1, and the communications committee weighed in first with a powerful analysis and detailed recommendations to overhaul the way Fairfax police communicate with their community.
 “Communications in recent high-profile use-of-force and critical incident cases were mishandled, inadequate and untimely” the report states, “leading to loss of public trust and questions about the legitimacy of police actions…If the department had policies that fostered real transparency, it’s unlikely the controversies in recent years would have lasted so long and there likely would not have even been a call to form this commission.”
The committee calls on the Board of Supervisors to “insist on policies that lean toward releasing information as soon as possible,” whether in daily communications, during a significant event or in a Freedom of Information Act request, which it says the police have a “blanket approach” of rejecting records requests whenever legally able to do so. “There must be significant change coming from the leadership of the county and the Fairfax County Police Department,” Fitzgerald’s committee wrote.
Among the specific recommendations, the committee urges police to release the names of officers involved in shootings within a week, saying the national average is two days, and to immediately release all video and audio recordings if a citizen is killed. The committee also calls on the police to shorten the current 6-20 month timeframe to internally investigate officer-involved shootings and be responsive to questions from the public and news media. In the Geer case, the Fairfax police rejected numerous requests for the name of the officer and only released it after it was ordered provided to Geer’s family by a judge, 16 months after the shooting. The internal investigation of Torres remains open 10 months after it was begun.
Virginia’s Freedom of Information law allows law enforcement agencies to withhold any information in a “criminal investigative file” indefinitely, though it has the discretion to release it as well. Fairfax police, with the guidance of the Fairfax County attorney, have long rejected all requests for police reports of any type. Earlier this month, longtime deputy county attorney Peter D. Andreoli Jr. advised Fitzgerald’s committee that if they wanted to change that approach, they should go to Richmond and change the law.
The committee ignored that suggestion. Instead, they called on the Board of Supervisors to “publicly adopt a resolution…to revisit FOIA laws with an eye toward expanding instead of limiting the public release of information related to police-involved shootings and other police practices and procedures related to official police activities…changing the current policy of automatically withholding all exempt records.”
Roessler read the report and said, “I don’t have a negative reaction to this. Some of the items we have been implementing already,” such as seeking to hire a permanent civilian spokesman, rather than a rotating police commander, and starting to shift the officer handling FOIA requests from the internal affairs unit to the public information office.
Roessler said he appreciated the feedback from members of the community and wanted to keep them active and available to advise him after the Ad Hoc commission formally disbands. The communications report suggested the Board of Supervisors hold community forums every six months starting next year to review the progress Fairfax police are making on the commission’s recommendations, and Roessler said he agreed with that.
Fitzgerald, who was the county’s main spokesperson for 14 years until her retirement last year, said, “Mistakes have been made. So moving foward, the easier part will be to change things like policies, procedures, staffing. The harder part will be changing the culture. And to get the culture of transparency we deserve and want to see is going to make some people uncomfortable.”
Can the Fairfax police change a culture where the tendency is often to release the least amount of information possible? “I understand what they’re saying,” Roessler said. He said he was pushing for a greater presence in social media and quicker release of breaking news. Both he and Fitzgerald noted that the police have provided vast amounts of data and cooperation to the Ad Hoc commission.
But what about releasing actual police reports, virtually never done now? “I’m considering a change,” Roessler said. “There’s got to be more dialogue about how we respond to this. This is a national dialogue, and the profession needs to change. I need to help this department change. This is the community’s voice and I need to actively listen and implement where I can.”
After the commission compiles the five committee reports and submits a full report to the Board of Supervisors on Oct. 1, the police will have about three weeks to prepare a detailed response on how they plan to handle the report’s recommendations. The supervisors’ public safety committee will then have a rare meeting on Oct. 27, a week before Election Day, to discuss what they will ask the police to implement.
Do the police have to do the supervisors’ bidding? “I report to them,” Roessler said. “They can work with me to direct policy changes. That’s their prerogative, and they’re my employer. I don’t see any conflict with getting these recommendations in place.”
The commissioners on the communications subcommittee, chaired by Fitzgerald, are Deputy Chief Tom Ryan, police assistant spokeswoman Lucy Caldwell, current county spokesman Tony Castrilli, lawyers Doug Kay and Eric Clingan, Connection newspapers publisher Mary Kimm, former WUSA-9 reporter and current blogger Dave Statter, Tim Thompson and Daniela Cockayne from the county’s federation of citizens association and police homicide Det. John Wallace. Non-commissioners also serving are Darryl Drevna, Patrick Smaldore, Brennan Murphy, Jose Santos and Darryl Dennis.














New Report Finds American Taxpayers Have Paid More Than $1B in Five Years for Police Misconduct Cases


So lets see now, the cops break the law and kill people and the people pay for it while cop gets away without paying any money or having money taken from their budgets and never get arrested...ITS GOOD TO SEE FAIRFAX COUNTY IS IN STEP WITH THE REST OF THE COUNTRY.  




Bad policing has cost American taxpayers more than $1 billion, according to a report by The Wall Street Journal. WSJ reporters Zusha Elinson and Dan Frosch conducted an in-depth study of public records and found the cost of settling police misconduct cases has almost doubled over a five-year period.
“The 10 cities with the largest police departments paid out $248.7 million last year in settlements and court judgments in police-misconduct cases, up 48 percent from $168.3 million in 2010, according to data gathered by The Wall Street Journal through public-records requests,” reported the WSJ. “Those cities collectively paid out $1.02 billion over those five years in such cases, which include alleged beatings, shootings and wrongful imprisonment.”
Ultimately, taxpayers end up footing the bill for these settlements. Cities either pay the legal costs by self-insuring, with the money coming from city funds, or the cases are handled by insurance companies. But just like car insurance, the more claims filed, the higher the premium. However, officers rarely end up paying out of their pockets for bad behavior. Notorious Maricopa County Sheriff Joe Arpaio has managed to fend off several decades of lawsuits, because the county picks up the tab. The Arizona Republic reported lawsuits against the Maricopa sheriff’s department have cost the county $44 million. And that’s one of the reasons why Arpaio stays in office. The minute he retires, he becomes responsible for the legal costs, according to a Salon article.
Of all the the cities tracked by the WSJ, New York had the costliest police department, racking up $601.3 million in legal costs over five years. Payments for settlements and judgments jumped from $93.8 in fiscal year 2013 to $165 million in 2014, reported the WSJ. The city recently paid the family of Eric Garner, who was choked to death during an altercation with Staten Island police, a $5.9 million settlement.

Sometimes incidents of police abuse are so blatant municipalities want to settle the cases quickly to stop bad publicity. The County of San Bernardino took two weeks to pay Francis Pusok $650,000 after a news helicopter captured sheriff’s deputies kicking and punching him. Pusok didn’t even have time to file a lawsuit before he received a cash settlement











It'll be a cold day in hell when this happens in Good Ole Boy Fairfax County


Police in Prince William prepare to use body cameras
By Victoria St. Martin July 19 

If all goes according to plan, by next summer, Prince William County police officers will be wearing not only uniforms and bulletproof vests, but also body cameras.
Before officers don devices that could record each traffic stop or arrest, the department teamed with Fairfax County police to see exactly what’s out there.
“This is new technology. It’s evolving,” said Lt. Javid Elahi, the Prince William County Police Department’s information technology manager. “There’s a lot of pieces that go to this — it’s not just as simple as buying a camera and turning it on. You need to have policy, you need to have infrastructure, you need to have people to manage it.”
To put to rest questions such as how body cameras weigh and feel, the two departments hosted an expo in Chantilly last week with about 35 vendors. Organizers said hundreds of police departments from near and far registered, including those in the District and Montgomery County.
Sgt. Kim Chinn, a Prince William police spokeswoman, said the two-day expo was all about research.
“It’s new technology that we’re all going to have to get comfortable with, and I think there’s anxiety as well as the feeling that we may need this to protect ourselves, so there will be quite a learning curve,” Chinn said.
“It’s not like you go out and just buy a new car,” she added. “There’s so much that goes with it — all the backup, the storage, the retrieval, the managing, the randomly pulling tapes, pulling them for court, things like that. It’s a huge project.”
And it’s a project Prince William police said they are ready to tackle.
In April, county officials approved a $3 million plan to equip 500 of the department’s officers with the technology.
“My preference for body cameras is they go more places and see more interactions,” Police Chief Stephan Hudson said after the action.
Criminologists, police accountability advocates and officers say body cameras are beneficial because they provide a video record of interactions with the public. After last summer’s shooting of 18-year-old Michael Brown in Ferguson, Mo., police departments across the nation began examining their camera policies.
Prince William plans to kick off a pilot program with 35 cameras by next year, said Tom Pulaski, who oversees the department’s technical services division.
At the expo, Capt. Todd Jones of the Virginia Beach police examined the types of body cameras.
“We want to research thoroughly and make as educated a guess as we can,” said Jones, who added that his department has been examining the technology for three years. “Every time we answer one question, we uncover three or four or 10 more.”
Tod Burke, a criminal justice professor at Radford University and a former police officer in Ocean City and Howard County in Maryland, said that when it comes to the issue of body cameras, throwing money at the problem won’t solve it.
“That’s like throwing a Band-Aid on a hemorrhage,” he said. “You have to have policies in place with proper law enforcement training and, certainly, community education.”
Burke said policies should address sensitive situations, such as a domestic dispute — would the camera be on or off? Also, he noted, the technology raises concerns about witnesses and informants, and officer safety issues.
“You want to be able, as a police officer, to react to a situation,” Burke said. “You don’t want [them] to have to worry about, ‘Am I being recorded? Is something that I’m reporting going to be used against me?’ That type of thing. You don’t want them to hesitate.”
Burke said that cameras can’t prevent situations but that they can aid authorities, adding that early statistics show that departments with officers who wear body cameras have fewer incidents of police and citizen misconduct. And the video could help bolster eyewitness identification, said Burke, who usually conducts a class exercise that he says highlights the problems that arise when relying on witnesses alone.
He said he tells his class, “ ‘Okay, you’re a police officer, you’re giving a broadcast — be on the lookout for a white, black, Hispanic, transgender person, who is anywhere between 5-foot-5, 6-foot-3, 135 to 200 pounds,’ and they start laughing,” he said. “It’s not that [witnesses are] lying; this is really what they thought they saw.”
Burke said when it came to witnesses and Ferguson, there was a question of whether Brown had his hands up just before the shooting.
“Perception really does make a difference,” Burke said. He pointed to an investigation that later concluded that Brown’s hands probably were not raised. “The advantage of having a body camera at that time, that would have been answered.”

Victoria St. Martin covers breaking news and Prince William County for The Post's Local desk

Its called blaming the victim.................



Nine minutes of obfuscation

By Editorial Board July 19

FOR NINE FULL MINUTES of a video released last week, Fairfax County Police Chief Edwin C. Roessler Jr. stared into a camera and delivered a bland recap of the in-custody death of Natasha McKenna, the 37-year-old woman who died Feb. 8 after sheriff’s deputies at the county jail shot her four times with a Taser stun gun. And for nine full minutes, Mr. Roessler, who announced the police investigation is finished, managed to reveal absolutely nothing.

Mr. Roessler did so while at the same time impugning Ms. McKenna, who was mentally ill, as a “combative” woman who refused commands and resisted removal from her cell. As if her death were her own fault.

Mr. Roessler was content to characterize her conduct but had virtually nothing to say about the conduct of the six jail guards who struggled with her. He mentioned neither the Taser company’s own warnings that repeated jolts may cause death; nor that Ms. McKenna was shot after she had been handcuffed; nor that the guards — kitted out like a SWAT team to subdue a 130-pound woman — appeared to have no training with de-escalation, which experts recommend in the event of confrontations with mentally ill people.

Mr. Roessler acknowledged that a video, shot by jail personnel, exists of the struggle between the guards and Ms. McKenna. But he offered no rationale for why the police have not released it. (They say it is “evidence,” as if that is an explanation; it isn’t.)

Mr. Roessler divulged neither the names nor the ranks nor the race(s) of the deputies who subdued Ms. McKenna, who was black. Nor did he offer any explanation of why that information — which has been released in other deaths at the hands of law enforcement officers around the country — is being kept secret in Fairfax.

Mr. Roessler’s presentation, a rehash of information reported by this newspaper and other news outlets months ago, was little more than an exercise in obfuscation. Why couldn’t six guards in an elite unit subdue a petite woman without shooting her repeatedly with a stun gun?
Mr. Roessler didn’t say. What was the sequence of events that led to Ms. McKenna becoming so agitated that a struggle broke out in her cell?
Mr. Roessler didn’t say.

The history of the McKenna case is one of official stonewalling accompanied by empty paeans to openness. At first, Sheriff Stacey A. Kincaid, whose office runs the jail, vowed transparency — after which she released no significant information. Then, Mr. Roessler said the police were committed to candor — and, at the conclusion of the police investigation, delivered nothing of the kind.

Now the case has been turned over to the chief prosecutor in Fairfax, Commonwealth’s Attorney Raymond F. Morrogh, whose office has never charged a police officer, let alone a jail guard, in the death of a civilian. Whether or not

Mr. Morrogh decides to bring criminal charges, it is critically important that he deliver a much fuller accounting to the public of the circumstances leading to Ms. McKenna’s death — including release of the video — than the sheriff and police have managed.






Call the cops






‘Come Back When You’re Dangerous’: How Police Are Failing The Mentally Ill



Rather than providing the mentally ill with an opportunity to see a mental health professional, one expert says, “We say, ‘Come back when you’re in a crisis. Come back when you’re dangerous.’”

By Sean Nevins

WASHINGTON — Natasha McKenna was killed in February by a Special Emergency Response Team officer at the Fairfax County Adult Detention Center in Virginia. She had been shot four times with a taser while her hands were cuffed behind her back, her legs shackled, and a mask secured to her face to prevent her from spitting.
The Washington Post reported that her last words were, “You promised you wouldn’t hurt me!”
The Fairfax County Police Department released the findings of an investigation into the death of the 37-year-old woman on Monday. Video of the incident has not been released to the public.
The official cause of death, as reported in April by the FCPD, is: “Excited delirium associated with physical restraint including use of conductive energy device.” Schizophrenia and bipolar disorder are also listed as contributing causes.
The official “manner” of death, however, is ruled an “accident” in the autopsy report.
In other words, the SERT officer accidentally killed McKenna, who is survived by a 7-year-old daughter.
This seems typical for the way that black and brown people are treated by law enforcement in the United States – unarmed persons are killed, and the offending officers walk away with, at the most, a slap on the wrist.
Matthew Fogg, a retired chief deputy for the U.S. Marshals Service, agrees.
“As a Marshal and having handled prisoners, thousands of prisoners, in my career, this seems like it was an unnecessary use of force,” Fogg, who has no professional connection to McKenna’s case, told MintPress News. “You’re talking about a female here, only 130 pounds, and you’ve got her restrained, and you’re tasing her!”
“Why so much force?”
McKenna’s situation was compounded by her mental health issues, according to Pete Earley, a former reporter for The Washington Post and author of “Crazy: A Father’s Search Through America’s Mental Health Madness,” a book about his son’s experiences with mental illness and the failings of the criminal justice system.
“This is a woman who had a long history of mental illness. She got into an argument at a car rental place, the police showed up, [and] she became belligerent,” Earley told MintPress.
“They did what they thought would be a mercy arrest, took her to a hospital where apparently she did not get any decent care, and in the process she was charged with assault… and ended up with a felony [charge] just like my son,” Earley continued, explaining the sequence of events that led to McKenna’s jailing.
On Jan. 25, McKenna was arrested after calling police to report that she had been assaulted. While police were investigating her complaint, they discovered a warrant for McKenna’s arrest for assaulting an officer in neighboring Alexandria, Virginia.
The Alexandria incident is the “mercy arrest” Earley referred to, which occurred on Jan. 15. Five days later, on Jan. 20, a warrant was issued for her arrest.
While it is unclear what happened during the initial interaction with Alexandria police, it does seem like McKenna was experiencing some kind of episode associated with her mental illness because police took her to the hospital rather than jail, reported WUSA9, a CBS affiliate in Washington, D.C.
Earley believes the assault charge could have been baseless. “She was charged with assault, and that could be everything from not obeying a policeman’s orders to just walking away,” he explained.
Fogg backed up this analysis, telling MintPress that part of his training as a U.S. Marshal was that people should be charged with assault if a Marshal has to put his or her hands on them in any way.
“If you’ve got to put your hands on somebody – that’s the first thing you do: you charge them with assault so that they can’t come back and try to sue you,” Fogg explained.
 ‘That’s just outrageous’
According to the National Alliance on Mental Illness, “In a mental health crisis, people are more likely to encounter police than get medical help.” Indeed, the organization continues, 2 million people with mental illnesses are booked into jails each year.
Further, Human Rights Watch released a report in May, which reports that it is common for staff in jails and prisons across the country to use unnecessary, excessive, and malicious force against prisoners with severe mental health issues, including schizophrenia and bipolar disorder.
The report, “Callous and Cruel,” states:
“Corrections officials at times needlessly and punitively deluge them with chemical sprays; shock them with electric stun devices; strap them to chairs and beds for days on end; break their jaws, noses, ribs; or leave them with lacerations, second degree burns, deep bruises, and damaged internal organs. The violence can traumatize already vulnerable men and women, aggravating their symptoms and making future mental health treatment more difficult. In some cases, including several documented in this report, the use of force has caused or contributed to prisoners’ deaths.”
The report explains that staff are often authorized to use force against inmates when an inmate’s behavior threatens the immediate security of officers and other inmates, and other efforts have been made to secure the compliance of an inmate.
However, HRW noted that many of the incidents in their investigation were non-threatening in nature, so the abuse meted out against inmates may constitute torture, cruel, inhuman, or degrading punishment, according to international human rights prohibitions.
Pete Earley argues that Natasha McKenna should have never been taken to jail: “When the officers came, they should’ve had what they call a Crisis Intervention Trained (CIT) police officer, who’s somebody’s who’s undergone 40 hours of training to understand the difference between mental illness and someone just being a trouble-maker.”
If law enforcement had more humane mechanisms in place for handling people with mental illness, McKenna would have been brought to what’s called a drop-off center, where she could have been evaluated by a mental health professional and an appropriate treatment program could have been recommended.
Earley told MintPress:
“This thing could’ve been avoided. It’s very startling that if you look at the picture of Natasha McKenna that we put up where she’s booked into jail. She’s not some wild-eyed person in the midst of psychosis. She’s smiling, and that’s a contrast to someone who gets held down and repeatedly tasered when they’re in a controlled environment, when they’ve already had leg irons attached, when already been hanged up.”
He added: “I mean, that’s just outrageous.”

 Reverting back to colonial days
Echoing the National Alliance on Mental Illness report, Pete Earley told MintPress it’s more common for people with mental illnesses to encounter police than get treatment because of the backward nature of how today’s system treats people with severe mental health issues.
Indeed, the way in which the mentally ill are imprisoned and sometimes abused is similar to the situation in colonial America, when there was an official policy to imprison the mentally ill, according to the Treatment Advocacy Center, a nonprofit organization that promotes laws, policies, and practices that give timely and effective treatment to the mentally ill.
 “As early as 1694, legislation was passed in the Massachusetts Bay Colony authorizing confinement in jail for any person ‘lunatic and so furiously mad as to render it dangerous to the peace or the safety of the good people for such lunatic person to go at large,’” according to a 2014 TAC survey of how mentally ill people are treated in jails and prisons across the U.S.
A growing movement of activists in the 1820s and 1830s influenced a new set of legislation to confine people in psychiatric wards instead of prisons because of the inhumane ways in which they were often treated.
“Thus, for approximately 100 years, the problem of mentally ill persons in prisons and jails appeared to have been solved. These individuals were treated as patients, not as criminals, and were sent to mental hospitals for treatment,” states the TAC report.
But, starting in the 1960s, de-institutionalization marked a massive shift in this policy. The severely mentally ill were transferred from state institutions, and those institutions were closed. This process has been called “one of the largest social experiments in American history” — and it’s one that has clearly failed individuals with mental illness.
The TAC report concludes:
“[I]t has been known for almost 200 years that confining mentally ill persons in prisons and jails is inhumane and fraught with problems. The fact that we have re-adopted this practice in the United States in recent years is incomprehensible. Prison and jail officials are being asked to assume responsibility for the nation’s most seriously mentally ill individuals, despite the fact that the officials did not sign up to do this job; are not trained to do it; face severe legal restrictions in their ability to provide treatment for such individuals; and yet are held responsible when things go wrong, as they inevitably do under such circumstances. This misguided public policy has no equal in the United States.”

 ‘It’s not illegal to be crazy’
Matthew Fogg, the retired U.S. Marshal, told MintPress that the present state of indifference toward black and brown people by law enforcement in the U.S. is systemic.
“When it comes to African-Americans and people of color,” Fogg said, “I’ve seen excessive force used in extraordinary ways that you just don’t see on people of non-color, white.”
The only options he sees for exposing and tackling this pervasive attitude include community action and the various movements springing up across the country. People are standing up to law enforcement and saying, “We’re no longer going to be treated this way. If you’re outside the bounds of the law, we want to expose you to be prosecuted,” he said.
This kind of public awareness is also what’s needed for the systemic issues with law enforcement’s handling of the mentally ill to be addressed. Earley told MintPress the current situation drives the families of the mentally ill to take desperate measures to secure treatment for their loved ones.
“A family knows that they have to wait until somebody becomes dangerous because that’s the threshold,” he said. “You have to be dangerous. It’s not illegal to be crazy.”
“So they’ll wait or they’ll agitate the person. The person will react by maybe pushing the father. They’ll call the police. The police will come. Then the person gets arrested, and then they’re told they can’t go home. And then they release them into jail. And so all you’ve done is made a situation worse.”
Earley’s son, Mike, has been hospitalized five times to date, and during one crisis Mike became violent. Earley called the police, and when they came, they shocked his son with a taser twice. “This is just an example of how difficult it is to get anyone decent care in this country,” he said.
To combat malicious treatment of the mentally ill, like Natasha McKenna and his own son, Early suggests improving community-based services for the mentally ill, widening access to the mental health care system, and changing the criteria that allows the mentally ill to seek help.
“What happened was we closed down all the state hospitals and promised to use that money to help people in communities, but that didn’t happen,” he said, referring to the process of deinstitutionalization, which was supposed include mechanisms to bolster community-based services but never did.
Earley says it’s extremely difficult to gain access to mental health care — and this has got to change. “I couldn’t get in it,” he said. “I couldn’t get my kid in it until he became violent.”
Finally, he explained that the criteria used to assess whether a person can be treated need to be changed.
“We also need to look at first-time breaks,” he urged. “Most people who have a mental illness are confused the first time [they realize they’re having a mental health crisis] and are willing to see a doctor, and that’s the best time to try and engage them.”

“We don’t do that. We say, ‘Come back when you’re in a crisis. Come back when you’re dangerous.’”