Police Brutality Tells Us More About Society Than Those Who Police It
In the fall of 2010, I lived in Los Angeles as I prepared to direct Rampart. Rampart is a movie about a very bad cop (Woody Harrelson) who refuses to surrender his brutal sense of street justice. Set in 1999 -- a time of great change -- the LAPD, hemorrhaging prestige and money from the extensive Rampart anti-gang unit Scandal, was put under the microscope, restructured, reworked and rebranded.
Like some post-Western Hollywood movie, the LAPD of the late 90s presented its cops with a very simple choice: change your ways, help rebuild the LAPD image, or fade away. Evidence tampering, police brutality, robbery, drug dealing, perjury, even murder charges were all lobbed at the Rampart police department, based on one or two corrupt cops' testimonies, and the flood gates opened to accusations that still resonate today, many true, many false, all palpable in the war zone that is the world of law enforcement in this country.
That fall, I was talking with cops, trying to get into their heads, get a sense of their heart, who they are as human beings. One white cop, leaning confidently on his idled squad car in downtown LA, took his time explaining to me that the battle for the streets of Los Angeles is never ending and it's the same everywhere. He laid out a grim picture that ultimately defined his world: there are criminals out there who play their parts brilliantly as bad guys so that the police only have to play their part as the opposing force. It's all very well defined, a cat and mouse game that lasts all day every day. Each side is under siege and each side reacts with a vengeance. The rules of the game are a matter of who gets away with what and for how long.
He told me endless stories in great detail about capers and heists, about gangbangers and shootouts, and he told me many stories about the sex lives of cops (which made a lot of sense as he was basically describing the thrill of power games. Sex, as we know, goes hand in hand with fantasies of domination, to use a metaphor). He told me a few stories about the horrors he's seen and then hinted at the horrors he's committed. Over 20 years on the department, he's been penalized for many misdeeds, but he says he just can't get enough of the grind, the action, of "hitting the street, getting down with the game" and trying to win for his team every day.
Hours later I found out that even though many of his stories were laced with cheerful racism, homophobia, sexism and ant-Semitism, his girlfriend was black, his brother gay, and his sister a Jewish convert who married a Jewish man and raises her kids within the faith. He told me he loved his family.
In a word, it was a show. He was a performer. And he had me from the get-go. He played his part, he wasn't kidding, there's a certain theatricality to police work. He was a character, in the same way I was about to make Woody Harrelson a character in a movie, except for him the consequences were real.
Before we said goodbye, I asked him "how does it stop?" How is this war, this occupation mentality, this theater of siege and retribution get resolved? He gave me a long baffled look, as if I've asked a ridiculously inconsequential question. He was almost embarrassed for me. I was a glasses-wearing movie director, for god's sake, I should have been smarter than asking a question like that. "How does this get resolved?" he asked appalled "Are you kidding? He said the endless loop of police brutality and criminal behavior has to do with the education system in this country, it has to do with jobs. He said it wasn't his "department." His mission was not to solve the crime problem in this country, his duty was to kick ass in the name of law and order.
I knew he was on to something. In a society that makes incarceration of minorities and the poor a lucrative business, a society that falls further and further down in its level of public education in comparison to other advanced countries and offers fewer and fewer job opportunities for its working-age population, this war on the streets is the only game in town. That look of bafflement he gave me was also an indictment. It said "I am doing your work, I am living out your desire for uncompromising law enforcement; you are looking the other way, you are tolerating me and you mostly don't want to know about the shit I pull on the streets so you could sleep well at night in your comfortable bed and not ever think about what's really going on in a world where jail cells replace jobs and incarceration replaces education." "I work for you," that look was telling me, "How dare you ask me how to resolve this problem? You threw me into this game, and maybe I love it, maybe I love putting on the uniform and getting away with misconduct which I excuse for myself as reactions under pressure and as a result of traumatic situations experienced on the streets, but don't pretend for a second that I can resolve the problems that make society sick.
I work for you, he was clearly saying. You, Mr. Tax-Paying-Citizen, control the environment for this game; I just play it. You want it to be different, change the game, because you're not going to change the behavior of a bad cop or a power structure that delves into the darkest corners of human behavior. Sure, individual responsibility goes a long way, and cops must be accountable for breaking the law, but the brutality cops sometimes show, be it in the Occupy demonstrations or a random beating of a motorist, is society's brutality. It's just a mirror. Bad apple excuses and department-wide systematic fixes will keep us going in circles. They work for us. What are we going to do about it for their sake and ours?
Death In The Devil's Chair: Florida Man's Pepper Spray Death Raises Questions About Jail Abuse
When he left his home in Ohio to visit his brother in Fort Myers, Fla. in March 2009, Nick Christie was already breaking down, physically and mentally. His wife Joyce was concerned about his well-being. Rightly so. By the end of the month, the grandfather of two, whose only prior run-in with the law was a DUI in the 1980s, would be strapped to a restraining chair in the Lee County, Fla. jail, coated with a thick layer of pepper spray, smothered in a "spit hood," then finally taken to a Florida hospital where, two days later, he would die.
Christie, 62, a retired boilermaker, suffered from heart disease as well as emphysema, the latter the likely result of his former smoking habit and years of exposure to asbestos. A bout with diverticulitis had forced him to cancel a fishing trip the year before, and he slipped into a depression after he was hospitalized for chronic obstructive pulmonary disease, a condition that further constricted his breathing.
Christie had been taking medication for his depression, but the doctor who was treating him had recently moved. That left no one to manage Christie's spiraling emotional state, and no one to control the possible side effects of his medication. Christie's wife worried about his trip to Florida, to the point where she contacted police in Lee County herself to ask that they keep an eye out for her husband. At her request, a captain from the Girard, Ohio police department also called Lee County officials and asked them to take Christie to a hospital if they found him.Christie was first arrested on March 25, for public intoxication. Though there's evidence Christie had been drinking, he was also beginning his mental deterioration, and may have merely been disoriented. One fast-food worker he interacted with that night said she thought he was suffering from Alzheimer's. Though confused (he couldn't remember his wife's or brother's phone number), Christie did inform the jail attendants of his various medical conditions, and gave them a list of the medications he was taking. He was released the next day.
Christie was then arrested again on March 27, this time for misdemeanor trespassing. Nicholas DiCello, whose Cleveland firm Spangenberg Shibley & Liber has filed a civil rights lawsuit on behalf of Joyce and Christie's estate, says the second arrest was for a minor offense. "It was for trespassing at the hotel where was staying," DiCello says. "He was having another mental episode. He was bewildered, acting crazy, and so the hotel got fed up and asked him to leave. When he didn't go, they called the police." According to DiCello, the jail staff and the staff for Prison Health Services, the private company contracted to provide medical service to the jail, ordered no advanced physical or mental health screening for Christie before he was jailed, despite the long list of medical conditions already in his file from his prior arrest. There is also no indication that anyone was made aware of Joyce Christie's notification of Lee County officials, in which she informed them about her husband's conditions. According to the lawsuit, after the second arrest, Lee County deputies locked Christie's medications in his truck. During his 43 hours in custody, he was never given medication.
Christie was uncooperative and nonsensical from the time he was arrested, but at some point after his incarceration, he became combative. Lee County deputies responded by either directly spraying him or fogging his cell with pepper spray at least 10 times. (According to police, Christie was sprayed eight times. A cell mate was sprayed two other times, which may have affected Christie.) He was never allowed to "decontaminate" -- to wash the spray off. Other inmates in the jail, who weren't targeted with the spray, told the Fort Myers News-Press the blasts were so strong that the secondary effects caused them to gag. The deputies then put Christie into a restraining chair, a controversial device that binds inmates at both wrists, both ankles, and across the chest. In depositions, the other inmates, along with a deputy trainee named Monshay Gibbs, testified that Christie was sprayed at least two more times after he had been strapped to the chair. He was also stripped naked, and outfitted with a "spit mask," a hood designed to prevent inmates from spitting on jail personnel. In Christie's case, the mask kept the pepper spray in close proximity to his nose and mouth, ensuring he would continue to inhale it for the full six hours he was in the restraint chair.
According to Gibbs' testimony, Christie pleaded with the deputies, telling them he had a heart condition and numerous other medical problems, and that the spit mask made it difficult for him to breathe. Other inmates have confirmed Gibbs' account, adding that Christie began to turn purple.When Joyce Christie heard of her husband's second arrest, she flew down to Florida to find him. "She was actually relieved to hear he had been arrested," DiCello says. "She thought they had responded to her pleas for help, that they would take him to a hospital to be treated." She eventually made her way to the Lee County jail. Joyce Christie would later learn that at one point in the night, when she was pleading with police to take her husband to the hospital, at the same time and in the same building he was being tortured to death in the restraint chair.
"She left frustrated," DiCello says. "They weren't listening to her. She didn't know what to do."In the early afternoon of March 29, Nick Christie went into respiratory distress. He was taken to the Gulf Coast Medical Center in Fort Myers. Joyce Christie told journalist Jane Akre that according to hospital staff, her husband was so covered in pepper spray that doctors had to repeatedly change their gloves as they became contaminated. Christie would suffer multiple heart attacks over the next two days before he was finally declared brain dead and his life support was removed on March 31. Two days after Christie had been transported out of the jail, Deputy Medical Examiner Dr. Robert Pfalzgraf noted in his autopsy report that Christie still had brown-orange liquid pepper spray all over his body.
Pfalzgraf determined that Christie's heart gave out due to stress from his exposure to pepper spray. He ruled the death a homicide.The Devil's Chair
"I look at this story, and all I can say is, what in the world were they thinking?" says David Klinger, a former police officer who now teaches at the University of Missouri-St. Louis. Klinger specializes in the use of force. "As a general rule, you don't use pepper spray on someone who is restrained. There might be some limited circumstances where, say, you have a suspect in handcuffs who is banging his head against the window of a patrol car. You might give him a quick burst of pepper spray. But never, never someone who is secured in a restraint chair. It just makes no sense at all."
The Lee County deputies appear to have violated accepted use of force guidelines a number of different ways, including the length of time they kept Christie strapped to the chair, pepper spraying him after he had been restrained (as well as their failure to clean the pepper spray off of him), their failure to properly evaluate him for mental and physical health problems, and their failure to allow him to take his medication.
While the Florida Sheriff's Association told HuffPost that it has no guidelines on the use of restraint chairs, there seems to be a strong consensus that the use of pepper spray, stun guns, or other compliance tools after a suspect has been restrained is at minimum excessive force, and possibly a crime.
The U.S. Court of Appeals for the Eleventh Circuit has found that pepper spraying suspects suffering mental illness is a violation of their constitutional rights, and several federal appeals courts have ruled that spraying someone who is already restrained is an excessive use of force. The state of Vermont forbids the use of restraint chairs for punishment, and requires approval from a medical professional and a mental health professional before a chair can be used. In the event that an inmate poses an immediate risk, a mental health professional is to be contacted immediately after the inmate is strapped in. The Florida Department of Juvenile Justice forbids the use of restraint chairs and pepper spray on incarcerated minors entirely.
The Florida State Prison System doesn't use restraint chairs, either. A spokeswoman told the Orlando Sentinel in 2006 that the state's Department of Corrections has determined the chairs are a safety risk, and inappropriate for prisoners with mental illness. The problem, some experts say, is that inmates with mental illness are particularly prone to "excited delirium," an escalating set of respiratory and cardiovascular symptoms that can lead to death. (Though the diagnosis is still controversial.)
Steve Yerger has been training law enforcement agencies on the use of force for 20 years, and gives what he says is the only course on restraint chairs in the country. Yerger says the complete restriction of movement to which the chair subjects inmates can trigger physiological effects -- both respiratory and circulatory -- and that the problem can be exacerbated in patients with mental health problems. "They can just go through the roof, and then they crash. You need to make sure you have constant monitoring, and that you always have medical professionals close by," Yerger says.
But inmates with mental illness are also more likely to present a threat to themselves or others, which means they're more likely to need restraint. A 2009 report by the Maryland Frederick News-Post, for example, found that in the previous year, 64 percent of inmates put in a restraint chair by the Frederick County Sheriff's Department had mental health problems.
While there's no universal policy on how long an inmate can safely be left in a restraint chair, the Oklahoma Department of Corrections limits it to two hours. Texas limits the time to five hours in any 24-hour period. Montana limits restraint to four hours. Iowa law also limits the time to four hours (though Iowa jails that exceed that limit appear to suffer little more than some public criticism.) Utah banned restraint chairs entirely after inmate Michael Valent died of blood clots -- the result of being strapped to a chair for 16 hours. Though in Utah too, several counties continued to use the chair after the ban.
There have been a number of deaths over the years at least in part attributed to what critics call "the devil's chair" or the "torture chair." In a 2000 article for The Progressive Anne-Marie Cusac documented 11 deaths, including several inmates with mental illness as well as cases in which inmates were pepper sprayed after they had been restrained. Cusac notes that in the 1999 case of James Arthur Livingston, who died after being strapped to a restraint chair in Tarrant County, Texas, the first deputy who attempted to give Livingston CPR wrote in his report, "I then removed myself from the area and walked into the sally port, where I threw up from inhaling pepper gas residue from inmate Livingston."
In 2004, the Dayton City Paper wrote about three restraint chair-related deaths in Dayton County, Ohio, alone.
Restraint chair-related lawsuits alleging patterns of abuse have proliferated across the country, including in Iowa, Georgia (PDF), Colorado, Texas, California, New Jersey and Maricopa County, Arizona, where the chairs were finally replaced in 2006 after three deaths and several million dollars paid out in settlements.
Florida has also had its share of restraint chair problems. Four of the 11 deaths Cusac chronicles in her 2000 article took place in Florida jails. In 2007, Lake County paid out a $500,000 settlement to the family of a woman who suffocated in a restraint chair, though the settlement didn't bar the county from using the chair in the future. The state has also been the scene of a years-long, high-profile controversy following the use of a restraint chair on the daughter of the Florida State Attorney in 2005.
Like Klinger, the former police officer, Yerger says the use of pepper spray in conjunction with the chair was particularly over the line. "This is a tool for restraint, and there's no reason to pepper spray someone once they're restrained. That's punishment, and it's a form of torture. At minimum, that sort of thing should cost someone his job. And it should probably lead to criminal charges."
But the pepper spray-restraint chair combination has happened in other jurisdictions as well. Last year, a Harrison County, Indiana, officer was accused of putting pepper spray in a hood, then putting it over the head of an inmate already nude and bound to a restraining chair. In the following months, more accusations came out against the department, many again involving abuse of the restraining chair. In 2006, deputies in another Harrison County -- this one in Mississippi -- emptied an entire can of pepper spray into a hood that they then placed over the head of Jesse Lee Williams, while he was confined to a restraint chair. Williams, who was also severely beaten, later died of kidney failure.
Yerger says the other problem in Lee County is that once Christie had been securely restrained, he needed medical treatment. While the officers in Lee County were clearly out of line, Yerger says, the problem in many other cases is more a lack of training.
"Several years ago, I was researching the restraint chair for a case where I was going to be an expert witness. I found that all of these police departments across the country were using the chairs, but none of them were getting any training," Yerger says. "There's no training on the proper way to put someone into the chair, but more importantly, you have these people who have mental problems, or who are on alcohol or drugs. These are medical problems, that require medical attention. This isn't criminal behavior. But that's sometimes how it's treated."
This collection of deaths, injuries and reports of abuse involving restraint chairs has moved both Amnesty International and the United Nations Committee Against torture to call for a ban on the devices.
In her 2000 article, Cusac points to a deposition of Dan Corcoran, president of AEDEC International Inc., the Beaverton, Oregon, company which manufactures the Prostraint Violent Prisoner Chair. Corcoran acknowledges that the only testing he did of the chair before marketing it was to put some friends in it. He says the chair had never been tested in any scientific way for its effect on someone impaired by drugs, alcohol or mental illness (in fact, he specifically recommends the chair for the first two), or for other hazards like deep vein thrombosis, the sometimes-fatal blood clotting that can occur after remaining in the same position for more than a few hours.
But both Yerger and Klinger say calls for banning the chair are misplaced. They say restraint is sometimes critical when a prisoner poses a threat to himself or others, and there's nothing particularly sinister about the restraint chair. "Once you take care of the immediate threat -- and you really do need to take care of that -- then you treat the case like it needs to be treated. That means if it's someone having a mental crisis, you get them to a hospital," Yerger says.
"Any new device or piece of technology can be helpful, or it can be abused, whether it's a restraint chair, a Taser, or baton," says Klinger. "If you have officers who are willing to punish and abuse a restrained prisoner, it's going to happen whether he's in a restraint chair, handcuffs, or a restraint bed or gurney. The device isn't the problem. It's the officers."
"It's really about culture," says Yerger. "You need to instill a distinct code, especially in a correctional facility, that emphasizes control over punishment."
Yerger cites Philip Zimbardo's famous 1971 Stanford Prison Experiment which, though it later came under criticism, showed how quickly students randomly chosen to be guards in a hypothetical prison resorted to abusing students randomly chosen to be prisoners. "It's a constant thing. It has to be hammered home, over and over."
In Christie's case, that puts the bulk of the blame on the deputies and Lee County Sheriff Mike Scott, not on the restraint chair.
No Accountability
When Joyce Christie finally got a phone call in March 2009 letting her know that her husband had been taken to the hospital, the call was anonymous, and the caller didn't say what hospital. She used caller I.D. to determine the call had come from the Gulf Coast Medical Center. When she arrived, the police wouldn't let her see her husband. Fortunately, someone in the waiting room overheard her conversation and gave her the card for a bail bondsman. She left to get the bond, and only after posting bond was she allowed to see him. By then, Nick Christie was close to death. As a deputy at the hospital got up to leave, he told Christie to make sure her husband -- now with eyes taped shut and tubes protruding from his face -- showed up for his court date, or else he'd be arrested.
Scott's office conducted its own internal investigation of Nick Christie's death and, perhaps not surprisingly, found no wrongdoing on the part of any Lee County deputy. That conclusion may come back to bite the county. Municipalities have what's known as sovereign immunity from civil lawsuits. But one way to get around sovereign immunity in a civil rights case is to show that a government agency has displayed a pattern or practice of improperly training employees about citizens' rights. Since using pepper spray on a restrained inmate and neglecting to get him medical attention are both clearly established civil rights violations, in concluding that none of his officers acted outside of department policy, Scott may have given DiCello an opening.
And in fact, none of the deputies involved with Christie's death were disciplined in any way. Florida State Attorney Stephen Russell declined to press criminal charges. DiCello says that Russell's review was based almost entirely on the sheriff's department report. Samantha Syoen, communications director for Russell's office, says the investigation did use much of the sheriff department's investigation, but that the possible bias of that report was taken into consideration when deciding whether or not to pursue criminal charges. "We've prosecuted police officers before." Syoen says. "We've prosecuted judges, we've even prosecuted our own."
Syoen says the state attorney's office didn't clear the deputies involved with Christie's death, it only determined that under Florida law there wasn't enough evidence for criminal charges.
"Our office was very concerned about what happened to Mr. Christie," she said. "But the memo concluded that this would be a matter better settled at the federal level, either with possible criminal charges or with a lawsuit."
According to DiCello, the office of U.S. Attorney Robert O'Neill has yet to show any interest in the case. (O'Neill's office referred HuffPost to the FBI's Fort Myers regional office. That office did not return HuffPost's request for comment.)
Joyce Christie returned to Girard, Ohio shortly after Nick, her husband of 40 years, had died. A few days after she returned, she received something in the mail from Lee County, Florida. It was a warrant for her husband's arrest.
Police Abuse Videos: The New Era of Oversight
When a UC Davis police officer, Lt. John Pike, took out a can of pepper spray and calmly doused a group of passive, nonviolent Occupy protesters sitting on a campus pathway, he should have known that all of the world would witness his horrific act. There were scores of people watching the scene unfold, nearly every one of them with a video camera in his or her pocket smartphone. Within hours of Pike's attack, the video went viral, uploaded onto websites like YouTube and shared via text messages, emails, tweets and Facebook status updates.
The only good thing about this incident is that everyone could see it. Thanks to technology, we have entered a new era of citizen oversight of the police. The behavior and actions of police officers are increasingly captured on digital cameras and opened up to broad public examination. And the long-term result is likely to be a significant -- and welcome -- reduction in police misconduct. Ever since spectators recorded the unjustified shooting of Oscar Grant on an Oakland commuter train platform in 2009, it seems there's a new video or photograph of police brutality distributed for the masses to see each week. The Occupy movement in particular has been on the receiving end of several violent police attacks caught on camera, from the pepper-spraying by Seattle police of Dorli Rainey, an 84-year-old retired schoolteacher, to the beating of Kayvan Sabehgi, a veteran of the war in Iraq, by baton-wielding Oakland cops.
Traditionally, police abuses were easier to hide. Most interactions with police and private citizens, even those on the public streets, weren't likely to be recorded. Although spectators occasionally captured incidents on tape -- like the infamous Rodney King beating in 1991 -- few people carried around video cameras while they went about their daily routines. Now people have quick access through their iPhones or other smartphones, which include video recording as a standard feature.
For individual victims, having a video or audio recording of an encounter with police can provide the crucial evidence necessary to prove a complaint about misconduct. Such complaints usually come down to "he said, cop said" situations and the credibility battle is usually titled heavily in favor of the lawman over the suspected criminal. The benefit of the new police surveillance, however, will be enjoyed by everyone. As the legendary Supreme Court Justice Louis Brandeis reminded us a century ago, "sunlight is said to be the best of disinfectants." People who know or suspect they are being watched are more likely to behave appropriately and follow the rules. Given police officers' authority to use force on citizens, it is a vital that cops obey the Constitution, federal and state law, and the protocols of their departments.
Too often police officers abuse that authority. Yet now citizens like Simon Glik have a "weapon" with which to fight back. As Glik was walking past Boston Common on a fall evening in 2007, he saw three police officers arresting a young man and using what Glik thought was excessive force. So Glik took out his digital cell phone camera and recorded what he saw. Unhappy to be caught on candid camera, the police turned around and arrested Glik -- for violating the state's anti-wiretapping law.
This has been the unfortunate response of some police departments to people who record their actions in public. Many states have such laws, which are designed to protect ordinary people from being secretly recorded. Even though these laws were not intended to cover police officers working on the public streets, who have no reasonable expectation of privacy, some police forces and their allies in the prosecutor's office have been discouraging citizen oversight by punishing people who record police misconduct. As a federal court which ruled in August on the case of Simon Glik explained, "Gathering information about government officials in a form that can be readily disseminated to others serves a cardinal First Amendment interest in protecting and promoting the free discussion of governmental affairs." Free speech, the court continued, "has particular significance with respect to the government because it is here that the state has a special incentive to repress opposition and often wields a more effective power of suppression."
That cell phone in your pocket thus serves the values of free speech - and not because you can call your friends on it. Your digital camera and voice recorder is the new mechanism to insure that We the People can watch over the police and check their excesses.
Al LaCabe, Former Safety Manager, Says Beatings Are Acceptable In Police Culture
Denver Police's vicious beating of 16-year-old Juan Vasquez in 2008 that left him with a damaged liver and kidney was called "run of the mill" by former safety manager Al LaCabe, according to The Denver Post. LaCabe told a hearing panel of the Civil Service Commission that the roughing up of suspects is acceptable in police culture.
Police union president Nick Rogers called LaCabe's statements baseless and that he knows nothing about Denver police culture.
LaCabe made these statements at Det. Charles Porter's appeal of his firing for the beating of Vasquez in which he allegedly jumped on the teen's back while he lay on the ground causing serious injury, 9News reports. Porter is one of three police officers accused in the beating and although a jury acquitted Det. Charles Porter, LaCabe decided all three officers involved were guilty and lied about the incident.
7News reports that LaCabe also told the Commission that it's a minority of officers that actually get violent, but other officers rarely report it when they witness those that do.
Denver police have faced increased attention for alleged brutality, just this last August, the city of Denver paid out over $1 million in police brutality settlements.
The police's treatment of Occupy Denver protesters in multiple violent clashes at Civic Center Park has garnered DPD some criticism as well. Some of the police tactics are even being called into question in a lawsuit filed on behalf of Occupy Denver by David Lane who says First Amendment rights may have been violated.
Cop Punches Woman: Bus Passenger Tapes LA Sheriff's Deputy Hitting Rider
A passenger on a bus recorded a Los Angeles cop punching a woman in the face who apparently hadn't been violent while the camera rolled.
Jermaine Green, the man who taped the Monday night incident in Bellflower, told NBC LA that the Los Angeles County Sheriff's deputy who struck the woman threatened to arrest him if he didn't hand over his camera phone.The woman brought a stroller laden with pillows on to the bus and Green described her as having "special needs." Two deputies allegedly boarded the bus at the next stop and confronted the lady, who began cursing at them, according to Green's retelling.
His video begins with the woman standing in the aisle and cursing repeatedly. One of the deputies, a woman, grabs her arm. The audio is unclear, but the woman appears to try to walk past the deputies. The male deputy, who had been holding her wrists, cocks his right arm and throws a right-handed punch that knocks the woman off balance.
The arguing continues as the woman is restrained on a seat. The tape cuts out after more deputies board the bus.
A spokesman for the sheriff's office told LA Weekly that the police accosted the woman, because they'd received a report that said she "almost attacked an elderly man." The woman, whose name was not given, has previous arrests, including charges of assaulting a police officer, the spokesman said. He added she had acted aggressively towards the deputies.
The spokesman's statement said the woman had "mental challenges."
Police Brutality Claims
PHILADELPHIA, PA, February 02, 2012 /24-7PressRelease/ -- When a police officer uses unnecessary and excessive physical force, they are violating the rights of American citizens and abusing the power given to them by law. According to the United States Code, any person who is working under a state law enforcement body cannot violate the civil rights of citizens. If an officer engages in police brutality, they can be held liable for any injuries or losses the victim sustains.
Some cases of police brutality are widely known, but thousands more never receive media attention. Any time a law enforcement officer abuses his or her authority and causes a person undue suffering, it is affront to society as a whole. Police officers should enforce, not abuse the law. We trust them to protect us from aggressors - not to be aggressors themselves.
False Arrests
One of the most common abuses of police power is detaining or arresting people for no reason. Police are only allowed to detain a person on the grounds of "reasonable suspicion." In other words, an officer must have probable reason to suspect that the person has committed a crime. Unfortunately, some police officers will use their power to arrest people for their own reasons, ignoring the need for reasonable suspicion.
If you have been falsely arrested, you may have the right to seek compensation from the officer who wronged you. On many occasions, false arrests are accompanied by excessive force. If you were injured because of police brutality, an experienced civil rights attorney can help you pursue the justice and compensation you deserve.
Police Shootings
Police officers should only draw their weapon as a last resort. Strict conventions exist that govern exactly how and when police officers are allowed to use their weapons to stop a suspect. The majority of police officers understand and recognize the seriousness of using a firearm and refrain whenever possible. Others, however, are less careful.
Police shooting cases can be complex, as the laws that apply to these situations are often confusing, but a good police brutality attorney can help you pursue an effective claim.
Judging Police Brutality at a Glance
Here are some questions to ask yourself if a police officer uses force against you:
- Did you suffer an injury?
- Were you completely cooperating with the officer?
- Were you stopped for a good reason?
- Was the officer's use of force unprovoked?
Murfreesboro Man Alleges Police Brutality
MURFREESBORO, Tenn. - Joseph Sushak had a run in with Murfreesboro Police Monday afternoon, and suffered several injuries. He has claimed police brutality. Police say he resisted arrest.
Sushak's run in with police came after an officer-involved chase that ended near his Minerva Drive home. He was outside when officers approached him.
"They just came out from the other side, with their guns pulled. I just freaked out," Sushak explained.
According to Murfreesboro Police officer Kyle Evans, "(Officers) observed a person matching one of the descriptions running from the direct vicinity of the foot pursuit."
"(I) never tried to run, never resisted, just in front of my house. Run from what? I've done nothing. I've done nothing at all," according to Sushak.
Officers came up to Sushak and ordered him to the ground. They admit he complied with the demand.
"However, he refused to place his hands behind his back," Evans said in a news release.
That is when Sushak said police started beating him.
"I heard they were thumping on my head, the back of my head. They bent both of my feet," he said.
A neighbor across the street witnessed the incident and said she did not see Sushak resisting the officers.
"He was looking, like I was looking. I think he might have gotten startled, probably when he saw the police coming," said Cozette Crosby.
Officers eventually put Sushak into a police car and took him to the scene of the scene where officers involved in the pursuit confirmed he was not the suspect.
Police were looking for 28-year-old Bouthay Gee Soupholophakdy, who is from Laos. Sushak is 58-years-old and from Nigeria.
"They first thing I said was, 'Do I look like this guy, as black as I am, do I look like this guy?' They say sorry, you were at the wrong place at the wrong time," Sushak said.
He was treated at a local emergency room for injuries sustained during the incident with officers.
Sushak plans to meet with an attorney Friday and then go to police to make his formal complaint against the officer.
Norfolk woman hopes police brutality complaint will soon be settled
NORFOLK – The City of Norfolk has left the door open to settle a woman’s claim of police brutality.
A year ago, Kedra Foster’s car ran out of gas and it stalled on Church Street near Va. Beach Blvd.
She says she was roughed up when officers arrived because they thought she was trying to steal the car.
“My car was out of gas .. beside that tree and I was pushing it,” she said.
Foster said she was relieved to see a police officer come by, but it wasn’t long before she thought otherwise.
“He’s like ‘I don’t know if this is your car,’ she recalled. "I'm disrespected. I'm humiliated. Not only did he hurt my arm, he bruised me right here. He picked me up. He slammed me. My pants were down."
Foster says officers scanned her license plates, determined it was hers and helped her get the car to a parking lot.
She filed a complaint with the Internal Affairs.
Almost a year later, she received a letter from the City Attorney’s office talking about a settlement.
The letter says, in part, I would never want it to be said that I was unwilling to engage in a settlement discussion. Please make an authorized demand and we’ll see where we are.”
Foster says she still doesn’t understand how things got out of hand last year.
She is filing a lawsuit to cover her medical bills because she doesn’t have health insurance.
"I just want an apology. I want people to know what the cops will do to you," she stated.
A year ago, Kedra Foster’s car ran out of gas and it stalled on Church Street near Va. Beach Blvd.
She says she was roughed up when officers arrived because they thought she was trying to steal the car.
“My car was out of gas .. beside that tree and I was pushing it,” she said.
Foster said she was relieved to see a police officer come by, but it wasn’t long before she thought otherwise.
“He’s like ‘I don’t know if this is your car,’ she recalled. "I'm disrespected. I'm humiliated. Not only did he hurt my arm, he bruised me right here. He picked me up. He slammed me. My pants were down."
Foster says officers scanned her license plates, determined it was hers and helped her get the car to a parking lot.
She filed a complaint with the Internal Affairs.
Almost a year later, she received a letter from the City Attorney’s office talking about a settlement.
The letter says, in part, I would never want it to be said that I was unwilling to engage in a settlement discussion. Please make an authorized demand and we’ll see where we are.”
Foster says she still doesn’t understand how things got out of hand last year.
She is filing a lawsuit to cover her medical bills because she doesn’t have health insurance.
"I just want an apology. I want people to know what the cops will do to you," she stated.
4 NYPD Officers in Brutality Probe After Video Surfaces of Suspect Beating
The NYPD says it is conducting a brutality probe against four officers after a video showed a suspect being struck and kicked.
The officers were placed on modified duty after the footage surfaced last weekend on the Internet, reports The New York Post.
Police spokesman Paul Browne says the officers' guns and shields have been removed during the investigation.
The video shows 19-year-old Jatiek Reed appearing to resist arrest by throwing a couple of kicks and swats.
The officers were placed on modified duty after the footage surfaced last weekend on the Internet, reports The New York Post.
Police spokesman Paul Browne says the officers' guns and shields have been removed during the investigation.
The video shows 19-year-old Jatiek Reed appearing to resist arrest by throwing a couple of kicks and swats.
Then it shows Reed being struck with police batons and kicked. One officer holds him down.
Police Commissioner Ray Kelly called the video "troubling" at a news conference Wednesday.Reed's mother told the Post that her son required staples in his head and arm.
Reed was arrested on assault charges. Information on his attorney was not available.
Reed was arrested on assault charges. Information on his attorney was not available.
Copyright Associated Press / NBC New York
Man Claims Police Brutalized Him Because He Bit A Cop's Finger
There's no question that police are authorized to use force, deadly force if the situation calls for it. But that use of force must at all times be proportional - and when it crosses that line, that's where we come in to report in complaints of police brutality. Indeed, stories pertaining to police brutality are nothing new on this newscast. In fact, we report about them almost too often - and just to make a quick note, this week alone we've received at least 2 complaints. Tonight there is one more story added to the list. 33-year old Justo Lopez had to be rushed to the emergency room at the KHMH last night after he claimed that he was beaten up badly by at least 5 police officers. Lopez told us he was wanted by police for questioning in connection with the shooting of 23-year old police officer Nigel White which happened on the 26 of March 2011 at the Police Sub-Station in Belama.
But while in police custody, Lopez claimed he was beaten up, tied down with duct tape and a pint bottle was even shoved down his throat. He told us he is innocent, and gave us his story from his hospital bed.
"I came in because I was in Canada for a while. When I came in I walked through the border, the police ask me to show them my ID. I told them that they don't need to see any ID because I know that they were looking for me. I went with them, they didn't do me anything. They took me to the Corozal police station. From there 2 BDF and 2 Dragon Unit officers brought me to Belize City. Everything went ok."
"They took me to the CIB office and they checked me in, and then they took me downstairs and locked me up. Then they took me back upstairs handcuffed. I met 4 of the officers up there, they told me to tell them where the gun is or they will kill me right now."
"After that, one of them knocked me in the back of my head. I was knocked out. When I woke up it's because I am in the room. They put duct tape on my head, and then they started to kick me in my stomach and my back. I told them that I didn't know anything, but they still beat me up."
"After that I told them that I will tell them where the gun is (crying). I told them that it was in my mother's yard by the septic tank. They told me that they will kill me and throw me in the Haulover river, and nobody will know where I am. When they reached in my mother's yard, I told them that the gun is in the septic tank."
"When they open the vehicle door I ran out. One of the officers grab me by the hair and started to punch me in the face. One of the officers pushes his big thumb in my mouth, I bite his big thumb and they start to beat me again more and more."
"Henderson, the boss, came out of his vehicle. I told him that the officers beat up. I told him that they hit me like 30-40 times in my face. I told him that they choked me."
This evening 7news contacted Police Public Relations Officer, Raphael Martinez who told us the incident did occur yesterday. He said Lopez took police to a house in Belama where he claimed a weapon was stashed in the yard. When they arrived in front of the house, Lopez tried to jump out the vehicle and when police held him down, he bit the thumb of a police officer and refused to let go. Martinez said that was when force had to be used on Lopez. Martinez also told us that the police officer also had to be taken to the emergency room where doctors treated him for - don't laugh - 4 teeth marks that were incised on his thumb. He was later released. The house Lopez allegedly took police to is the home of his mother. Neighbors from around the area say they did see police beating Lopez.
NLGSF Demands Action From The Monitor On Police Misconduct
January 30, 2012
National Lawyers Guild
National Lawyers Guild
NLGSF Demands Action From The Monitor On Police Misconduct
The National Lawyers Guild San Francisco Bay Area Chapter (NLGSF) condemns Oakland Police (OPD) and Alameda County Sheriff’s Office (ACSO) violence, mass arrests and abuses against Occupy demonstrators at Saturday’s demonstration. Police violently attacked activists with chemical weapons, so called Less-Lethal munitions, and physical assaults. Hundreds were arrested unlawfully, without opportunity to disperse, and then detained for many hours on the street and then in buses, in stress positions, and without bathrooms, food or water. Once in jail, protesters faced inhumanely crowded conditions, abusive treatment and were denied access to legal counsel. Many remain unaccounted for, though certainly arrested and awaiting booking two days after being detained.
“It is appalling that the OPD continues to violate the law and its own policies,” said Carlos Villarreal, NLGSF Executive Director. “The police instigated the confrontation by immediately attacking the march with chemical agents, flashbang bombs, and a volley of rifle or shotgun-fired projectiles.”
As of 11 a.m., Monday, January 30, the NLGSF can confirm that at least 284 people were arrested on Saturday during Occupy Oakland’s Move In Day. The NLGSF received many reports of assaults on protesters, including an incident in which police knocked one person’s teeth out with a baton strike to the face. Police reportedly threw others through a glass door, and down a flight of steps. A videographer was pushed to the ground and clubbed.
“OPD has shown itself incapable of handling crowd control in a legal, much less professional manner,” said NLGSF Attorney Rachel Lederman. “We would urge the appointed monitor to take action immediately to rein in this abusive conduct, which is leading to ever increasing liability for the City.”
Once in Alameda County custody, the arrestees have been held for a prolonged period under horrendous conditions, often remaining overnight in holding areas with no beds or blankets. Some arrestees were apparently held in a shower room. NLGSF has received many reports of injured persons being denied medical care and arrestees denied access to necessary medications. Women arrestees were forced to give urine samples in front of male officers, ostensibly for pregnancy testing.
Critically, arrestees were denied access to counsel. On Sunday night volunteer lawyers with the NLGSF were denied access to clients and told to return in the morning.
“OPD and Alameda County Sheriffs Department Officers are responsible for yesterday’s violence,” said NLGSF President Michael Flynn. “The NLG supports the Occupy Movement and will continue to push back against the violation of human rights by OPD and the misinformation from public officials that follows.”
NLGSF is currently litigating two lawsuits against Oakland and Alameda County based on similar abuses at a 2010 police brutality demonstration and the October 25, and November 2, 2011, OPD enforcement actions against Occupy.
The NLGSF is the Bay Area chapter of the National Lawyers Guild (NLG) – a bar association founded in 1937. The NLG is providing legal support to activists from coast to coast and has dispatched hundreds of legal observers to monitor law enforcement at the Occupy protests. More information is available at www.nlgsf.org.
Idiots at work
Palm Springs Calf. The state attorney's office reports that Palm Springs public safety officer Sean Grant, 44, of 230 Cypress Lane, was arrested Tuesday on charges of grand theft over $20,000 and uttering forged bills, checks, drafts or notes. He was released from jail less than an hour after his booking time on $8,000 bail. He faces a maximum of 20 years in prison.
Oakland Calf. A federal judge in San Francisco has concluded that an Oakland police officer who taped over his name badge during an Occupy Oakland protest and a lieutenant who failed to report the action engaged in "the most serious level of misconduct." U.S. District Judge Thelton Henderson said in a Jan. 27 ruling that he is considering imposing sanctions on Officer John Hargraves and Lt. Clifford Wong, but has not yet decided whether to do so.
Seattle Wash. In response to several high-profile cases of alleged police misconduct, the City of Seattle is pushing a program to put body cameras on officers.
Belmont SC. Two former Belmont residents say that police unjustly handcuffed them and used excessive force when arresting them on trumped up charges. According to the suit, a Belmont police officer drove to Southridge Drive to serve a warrant on Michael Gutkowski in June 2008. Several neighbors and their children were outside and walked over to express concern about the matter when the officer called for backup. Five police cars came into the neighborhood in excess of 60 mph, according to the lawsuit.
Ex-cop convicted of joining drug conspiracy
More than 15 years ago, Chicago cop Glenn Lewellen arrested a young drug dealer on the Southwest Side, took him to a warehouse and made him an offer to switch sides and become a paid informant.
It was a lucrative offer — Saul Rodriguez would go on to earn more than $800,000 from the Chicago Police Department as he steered Lewellen toward large drug seizures.
But behind the scenes, Lewellen had hatched a secret, unauthorized deal with Rodriguez, authorities said. The drug trafficker would keep breaking the law and the cop would help him, joining Rodriguez's drug organization — which prosecutors contend was behind multiple violent kidnappings and robberies. Lewellen, they argued, also tipped them off when the feds got too close.
On Tuesday, following a two-month trial, a federal jury convicted Lewellen, a former narcotics officer, of joining Rodriguez's massive drug conspiracy, but it was unable to reach a verdict on a racketeering conspiracy charge despite deliberating over the course of two weeks.
As the verdict was read, Lewellen stared into the distance with a grave look on his face, and later gazed at his family in the gallery, at one point mouthing, "I love you."
His fate sealed, Lewellen slowly pulled his striped tie loose and slid it from around his neck. He then took off his suit coat and neatly folded it, handing it to his attorney. Moments later, he was taken into federal custody. Anxious family members leaned forward, waved and gave Lewellen a thumbs-up sign.
Lewellen, 55, who was a Chicago police officer from 1986 to 2002, faces a minimum 10-year prison term to up to life imprisonment. No sentencing date was set. Lewellen had been free on bond since the charges in 2010.
The charges linked Lewellen to some eight kidnappings and two robberies. According to the drug conspiracy charges against him, Lewellen also tipped Rodriguez off about a federal wiretap and testified in federal court against of one of Rodriguez's rivals, helping to secure a conviction.
With the split verdict, Lewellen's attorney, Andrea Gambino, said the jury did not necessarily find her client participated in any of the kidnappings, robberies or obstruction of justice allegations. She vowed to appeal the conviction.
"We are happy" that there wasn't a guilty verdict on the racketeering charge, Gambino said. "We are, of course, going to continue fighting. He is not guilty of the charges."
Four others were convicted of federal charges for their roles in the scheme. A sixth defendant was found not guilty on two counts, but the jury failed to reach a verdict on a racketeering count against him.
Rodriguez's crew was taken down in dramatic fashion in 2009 after the Drug Enforcement Agency set up a movielike sting. Rodriguez thought he and the crew were about to rob a Mexican cartel of $16 million in drugs, but federal agents had planted fake drugs in a van as part of a ruse.
A year later, Lewellen, by then owner of Lewellen Home Builders, a construction company that did developments in New Lenox and Mokena, was charged in the scheme. From there, federal agents backtracked to investigate the multiple kidnappings and robberies, locating victims.
Lewellen's conviction largely turned on the testimony of Rodriguez, who cooperated with the government and provided key testimony at trial. As a result, Rodriguez faces 40 years in prison.
The defense attacked Rodriguez as a serial liar of questionable credibility, saying he sneaked a cellphone into a federal jail and consorted with other high-ranking drug traffickers behind the government's back.
But prosecutors contended that Lewellen and the others on trial with him were involved in robbery, kidnapping and murder plots far too intricate for Rodriguez to have made it all up. There were simply too many victims and crimes for Rodriguez to "sit down and bang out a script," Assistant U.S. Attorney Steven Block said in his closing arguments.
"Saul Rodriguez did not direct a play and cast six individuals into roles," Block told the jury. "The great frame-up doesn't work."
The jury also heard testimony from Fares Umar, another co-defendant who cooperated with the government. Umar described how he first teamed up with Lewellen, by coincidence on the day of the Sept. 11, 2001, terrorist attacks. He said they stopped a car and forced the men inside to drive to a home where Lewellen and Umar — joined by Rodriguez — found $60,000 in cash and two duffel bags stuffed with cocaine.
Lewellen wore his police star, protective vest and identified himself as a police officer, Umar testified.
"Glenn did the police thing," he told the jury.
Paterson cop arrested for domestic violence gets $6K in OT pay while on desk duty
PATERSON — A Paterson police officer who was arrested on aggravated assault charges in the fall has been paid more than $6,000 in overtime in the past three months while on desk duty, according to a report on PatersonPress.com.
Lt. Patrick Papagni, who allegedly pointed a gun at his girlfriend and dragged her out of her house, has been on desk duty since Oct. 12. His pay check has been supplemented by $6,173.38 in overtime in addition to $1,619.22 for working a night shift, the report said.
His case has yet to go before a grand jury.
Couple accuses HPD of police brutality
HOUSTON, TX—
Crooked cops -- something you hear about in the movies. However, Annika Lewis and her husband, Sebastian Prevot, say the way the Houston Police Department treated them, was anything but "in-line."
Just days after a town hall meeting where community leaders encouraged citizens to record any police misconduct, Lewis and Prevot say they were victims of police brutality. Here's what they alleged happened, in a nutshell... Prevot was being pulled over by HPD for a traffic violation. Lewis says she was woken up by the sound of his screams and sirens outside of her window. She looked out to see five patrol cars and several officers beating and kicking her husband who was lying on the ground handcuffed. So, Lewis went back inside the house, grabbed her phone, and started recording. That's when Lewis says an officer grabbed her arm, took away her cell phone, and beat her.
She suffered a busted lip, swellings, cuts and bruises. After being thrown in the back of a patrol car, Lewis says police searched her house without consent, spoke to her children, put her phone on the dryer and left. When Lewis found her phone, she says police had removed her SD card.
Lewis says her husband was beaten so badly he had to have part of his ear stitched back on. HPD says Prevot tried to run after they attempted to pull him over -- he was taken into custody once he finally pulled over -- and suggests anyone who feels they've been treated unfairly by HPD can file a report.
It's all too similar to the Chad Holly case that created so much tension between HPD and the citizens of Houston. HPD has not responded to these specific allegations.
We don't know if Houston police actually caused the bruises, as the couple says, but these type of allegations certainly bruise their relationship with the community they serve.
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