Cops mistake County Commission meeting for movie theater
Several Fairfax County Police officers out for evening for a "date night with the misses" mistook a board of supervisors meeting for movie theater that was said to be featuring "Broke Back Mountain"
"It was like a really like bad movie because all it was, was like guys talking, so like, we just made out instead"
In other news, the community and members of the Fairfax County Police attended a public forum to discuss police transparency in Fairfax County.
Have a problem with the Fairfax County Police? Form a useless public office as dressing!
It’s not about transparency, it’s
about hiring low brow, sub-par people as police officers.
It’s that simple.
Don’t force these clown to be transparent,
force them to hire a higher grade of human being.
It’s that simple.
Fairfax County: Supervisors
Approve Independent Police Auditor
Unanimous vote follows Ad Hoc
Commission recommendations for more transparency and oversight of Fairfax
County police.
Recent data released by Chief
Roessler shows that 40 percent of Fairfax County Police use of force incidents
involved African Americans while only 8 percent of county residents are African
American. Supervisor John Cook (R-Braddock) offered this as an example of
broader policy issues that the auditor could study.
By Tim Peterson
Supervisor Pat Herrity (center,
R-Springfieldt) expressed concern that an independent auditor position would
increase the police department’s administrative workload. He proposed funding
two additional positions in FCPD’s internal affairs bureau immediately, but
those positions will wait until 2018.
With a unanimous vote on Tuesday,
Sept. 20, the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors approved the creation of an
independent police auditor office, following recommendations from the Ad Hoc
Police Practices Review Commission.
Supervisor John Cook
(R-Braddock), chairman of the board’s Public Safety Committee, said the proposal
for auditor was true to the essence and “basic philosophical approach” of the
commission in calling for an impartial civilian who would review police
investigations as they’re occurring and report directly to the Board of
Supervisors.
“The auditor would be involved in
monitoring and making recommendations in the course of the police
investigations, a lot more efficient than waiting until the end,” Cook said.
“Police would receive real time comment back from the auditor’s office to help
strengthen those investigations.”
Board of Supervisors Chairman
Sharon Bulova established the 32-member commission following public outcry over
the August 2013 death of John Geer, 46. Geer was unarmed and standing in the
doorway of his Springfield home when he was shot and killed by FCPD officer
Adam Torres. The police and county refused to release information on the case
for more than a year, and then after court orders.
Torres, who was fired in July
2015 and indicted by a grand jury for murder in August 2015, was the first
Fairfax County Police officer in the history of the department to be charged in
such a death. Torres entered a guilty plea to involuntary manslaughter,
received credit for time served for his 12 month sentence and was released in
June.
THE AD HOC COMMISSION and its
five subcommittees met intensively beginning in March 2015, reporting to the
Board of Supervisors in October, 2015, with 142 recommendations, including the
recommendations to establish the Office of Independent Auditor.
“This has not been easy, that is
an understatement,” Bulova said. “It’s the first time we’ve established a
position such as this.”
It is the first independent,
civilian oversight of the Fairfax County Police.
The scope of the independent
auditor’s work will include reviewing all cases in which police use of force
result in serious injury or death, Cook said. The auditor would also review any
citizen complaint about police use of force even if it does not involve serious
injury or death.
Cook said the auditor would issue
an annual report, and that the auditor would also be available to engage in
policy and practice analysis regarding use of force, as suggested by the Board
of Supervisors, County Executive or Chief of Police.
For example, the auditor could
study and make recommendations concerning recent data released by Chief Edwin
Roessler about demographics of police use of force, Cook said. There were 539
use-of-force incidents in 2015 and data show that 40 percent of those incidents
involved African Americans while only 8 percent of county residents are African
American.
Cook also pointed out that,
unlike an ordinance or land use case, the board may make changes to the
independent auditor position in the future.
“If we pass this,” he said, “It
would not be shocking at all that auditor could come back and recommend we look
at a few adjustments” in the future.”
Commission member and Use of
Force subcommittee chair Phil Niedzielski-Eichner called today’s action “a
remarkable achievement for the commission’s work.” He acknowledged the vision
of the auditor was for a position that would be independent, but not separate,
from the police work.
“This gives the public a real
feeling of comfort,” said Randy Sayles of Oak Hill, a member of Use of Force
subcommittee, looking forward to use of force investigations with the auditor
on board, “of the integrity and transparency of the process.”
Commission member Adrian Steel of
McLean called the unanimous vote “quite affirming.” He also appreciated the
auditor being able to be involved in identifying trends and reviewing policy,
again getting back to the disproportionate percentage of African Americans
impacted by use of force incidents.
“The whole thought was for the
auditor to become involved in picking up these types of things,” he said.
Reston resident John Lovaas, an
alternate on the commission for Nicholas Beltrante with the Virginia Citizens
Coalition for Police Accountability, said he wasn’t happy with the way he
believed the supervisors deviated from the commission’s version of the
position.
“They eviscerated the
independence of the independent auditor,” Lovaas said, citing the auditor’s
dependence on cooperation from the police.
Other commission recommendations
that have already been approved include the establishment of the Diversion
First program providing treatment rather than jail for people in mental health
crisis and more transparency in police communications.
THE PUBLIC SAFETY COMMITTEE will
discuss the creation of a Civilian Review Panel, a complementary oversight entity
to the auditor as proposed by the Ad Hoc Commission, at its next meeting,
scheduled for Oct. 25 at 1 p.m. at the Fairfax County Government Center.
A black police officer shot an armed black man
Bonnie Kristian, Rare Contributor
CHARLOTTE, N.C. -- A black police
officer shot an armed black man at an apartment complex Tuesday, authorities
said, prompting angry street protests late into the night and well into the
early morning hours.
The man’s family disputes the
police account, reports CBS Charlotte affiliate WBTV.
The Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police
Department tweeted that demonstrators were destroying marked police vehicles
and that approximately 12 officers had been injured, including one who was hit
in the face with a rock. WBTV said 7 officers and a civilian were brought to an
area hospital.
Water bottles were also thrown.
Television coverage showed police firing tear gas to break up the crowd.
Arrests were kept to a minimum, the station said.
Early Wednesday, protesters made
their way to Interstate 85 and began throwing rocks at passing traffic,
prompting police to close the highway. WBTV tweeted:
WBTV tweeted that police formed a
line enabling traffic to get by, the road re-opened, and protesters moved to
another location.
Then came word that a Walmart had
been damaged by demonstrators.
In New York, police are seizing people’s stuff for no good reason
“Gr8 work 1×9 Conditions team,”
gloated a New York Police Department Twitter account this month. “Arrested a
male for a gravity knife and vouchered 18,000 dollars cash for forfeiture.”
In English, that means the NYPD
arrested a man for the dastardly crime of owning a small pocketknife—not
stabbing or even threatening anyone with it, just owning it—and then stole
$18,000 from him via civil asset forfeiture. As if to add insult to injury, the
tweet included a photo showing the knife, the cash, and the arrestee’s car
registration, with his name and address decipherable for the whole world to
see.
Two things are going on here, one
comparatively unique to New York City and one plaguing all of these United
States.
The unique part is the gravity
knife arrest. A true gravity knife is a very unusual weapon. Originally
developed for German paratroopers to use during World War II, gravity knives
have blades that fully retract into their handles. The name comes from the fact
that it could be opened by a soldier one-handed. The blades were as much as a
foot long—legitimately lethal stuff.
But NYC has a conveniently loose
interpretation of its gravity knife ban. Basically, no one in New York, except
perhaps a World War II buff, has a real gravity knife. But the NYPD considers
just about any pocketknife a gravity knife.
This serves as a dishonest
pretext for police to initiate confrontations with huge numbers of New Yorkers
who aren’t bothering anyone and don’t believe they’re breaking any laws. It’s
even illegal to possess these pocketknives in your own home, plus getting
caught with one can mean years in prison. And perhaps unsurprisingly given
NYC’s abysmal record on racial discrimination in stop-and-frisk encounters, the
gravity knife ban disproportionately affects minorities’ right to self-defense.
So that was the pretext for the
stop that led to this $18,000 confiscation. Thankfully, it isn’t likely to be
duplicated outside of New York City—but the confiscation itself easily could
be.
The money was taken under an
increasingly notorious policy called civil asset forfeiture, an insidious and
unconstitutional confiscation practice used by law enforcement at all levels of
American government, from local police all the way up to the FBI.
Not to put too fine a point on
it, but civil asset forfeiture infuriates me like nothing else.
It’s when police take your money
or stuff on the grounds that they find you (or even just someone you know)
suspicious. Once your property is confiscated, the burden of proof is on you,
not the cops, to demonstrate that the confiscated cash doesn’t have criminal
connections.
Because police don’t have to
charge you or present any evidence of illegal activity, you have no
constitutional protections. (The Sixth Amendment is interpreted to mean
everyone has a right to an attorney in court, but since your money is the
accused party, it doesn’t get Sixth Amendment rights.) In some jurisdictions,
you actually have to pay a fee just to be able to contest the seizure, let
alone to be certain your stuff will be returned.
So that $18,000 could have been
confiscated almost anywhere in America, because civil asset forfeiture is legal
in most states. It doesn’t matter that this man might have been carrying that
cash for a totally innocent reason.
Maybe he was buying a car or some
other big-ticket item off Craigslist. Maybe he owns acash-only restaurant or
other business and was taking earnings to the bank. Maybe it was a deposit on a
new home or other property.
Each of those is a real-life
example of innocent reasons Americans were carrying large sums of cash that
were essentially stolen by law enforcement. It’s hard to believe this could be
legal in a country that prides itself on freedom and individual rights, yet it
is.
But back to New York. It turns
out NYC has seized so much money from New Yorkers that the NYPD can’t even
count it all. Just attempting to collect all the data would crash the
department’s computers, the NYPD said.
One unjust confiscation case is
galling enough, but this is abuse of private property and individual liberty on
a grand scale. It is past time for civil asset forfeiture to go, and New York
is a great place to start.
An unusual campaign in Minnesota has attracted nationwide interest.
(Photo: Melanie Stetson Freeman/'The Christian
Science Monitor' via Getty Images)
SEP 18, 2016
Rebecca McCray is a staff writer
covering social justice. She is based in New York.
Sometimes it seems there are
almost as many suggestions for how to discourage police misconduct as there are
new headlines describing violent encounters between police and civilians.
Officer-worn body cameras, better data collection, decreasing police presence,
and reducing the use of military-grade equipment are just a few ideas that have
been floated or put into practice in the last several years as the names of
victims—Michael Brown, Sandra Bland, Walter Scott, and the latest, Tyre
King—continue to flood in.
One unusual suggestion surfaced
this year in Minneapolis, where a team of activists and community organizers
tried—and failed—to mandate professional liability insurance for police
officers. The campaign, which was organized by a group called the Committee for
Professional Policing, argued that if individuals were required to pay out of
pocket for the rising costs of premiums associated with their misconduct,
police would be less likely to engage in bad behavior.
“We as [Minneapolis] taxpayers
pay roughly $2.5 million per year for bad police misconduct,” the group’s
founder, Michelle Gross, told TakePart. “We started thinking there has to be a
better answer to this problem.”
The fatal shooting of Jamar Clark
by a Minneapolis police officer in March drew the nation’s eyes to Minnesota
and resulted in a Justice Department investigation. In June, the department
announced that it would decline to bring civil rights charges against the two
officers connected with Clark’s death. This was one of many disappointments
that led Gross and her fellow activists to believe a creative, systemic
approach was necessary to spark change.
After collecting 15,000
signatures for an initiative that would have put the police insurance amendment
on the city’s ballot—they only needed 5,000—Gross felt optimistic. In July,
City Attorney Susan Segal ruled the proposal would be illegal under state law.
The group appealed to the state Supreme Court, which upheld Segal’s ruling in
late August. Bob Kroll, president of the Police Officers Federation of
Minneapolis, the local union, was pleased with the court’s decision. “This was
a harebrained idea to begin with,” he said in an interview with TakePart.
To Stop Police Brutality, Do We
Need to Stop Policing?
“This widespread misconduct and
corruption that they talk about doesn’t exist,” Kroll continued, saying that he
believes Gross to be “mentally unstable.”
In spite of the initiative’s
major setback, the concept appeals to police reform advocates around the
country. Samuel Sinyangwe, a policy analyst who works with the anti–police
violence group Campaign Zero, told TakePart that liability insurance could be
“an important component of a broader systemic approach that…ensures
department-wide accountability.”
Sinyangwe points out that some
cities require misconduct settlements to come out ofpolice department budgets
rather than the city’s coffers, which imposes a greater burden on police. The
threat of financial liability on departments or individuals could discourage misconduct
more acutely than broader reforms, some advocates argue.
“Officers aren’t on the financial
hook right now,” said Seth Stoughton, a former Florida police officer turned
professor at the University of South Carolina School of Law. “More than 98 percent
of the time, a police union, department, or the city indemnifies litigation
costs that fall on individual officers.”
Though Gross said her campaign
consulted with insurance and legal experts when crafting the amendment, the
court’s ruling emphasizes how challenging it may be to mandate individual
liability insurance. Stoughton expressed concern that in practice, departments
or city agencies might continue to pay the rising costs of premiums as part of
an officer’s benefits package.
“I don’t know that it’s
politically feasible anywhere to prohibit agencies or municipalities from
paying those costs,” said Stoughton. Beyond political roadblocks, individual
officers aren’t likely to have the kind of money that might be required in a
court settlement, or even to shoulder premium costs. Still, Stoughton
emphasized that this kind of “experimental” campaign is a valuable approach to
addressing a long-standing problem in policing.
“This kind of out-of-the-box
thinking is what needs to happen, because we have a number of systemic or
structural issues that contribute to police problems,” he said.
Setbacks aside, Gross and her
team are moving forward with their campaign outside Minneapolis. Because city
charters vary greatly, they think they might have better luck pushing forward
an amendment in St. Paul or Bloomington. Gross said she is also consulting with
organizers in cities such as Las Vegas, Ferguson, Missouri, and Oakland,
California, where she said liability insurance campaigns are being considered.
“People talk about bad cops and
good cops,” said Gross. “This is about a bad system that validates bad policing
and allows it to go on. This would provide better protection for those officers
who do not engage in bad conduct.”
Here’s what we know about yet another police shooting to make national headlines.
Updated by German Lopez @germanrlopez
german.lopez@vox.com Sep 21, 2016, 1:45p
Terence Crutcher, a black
40-year-old man, was unarmed. He appeared to be cooperating with police, with
his hands up as they escorted him toward his car. Yet suddenly, in moments that
were largely obstructed in the videos released by the Tulsa Police Department
on Monday, an officer shot and killed Crutcher.
According to the local newspaper
Tulsa World, police were responding to an unrelated call on Friday, September
16, when they spotted Crutcher’s stalled car. We don’t know what happened when
police arrived at the scene. Instead, the videos begin as Crutcher is guided by
officers, one of whom is aiming her gun at him, slowly to his car. He has his
hands up during this time.
Police say that Crutcher then
failed to follow orders — leading officer Betty Shelby to fire her weapon and
officer Tyler Turnbough to use his Taser on Crutcher. By the looks of the
videos, the Taser and gun were seemingly fired almost simultaneously.
RelatedWhy police so often see
unarmed black men as threats
The videos — one a police
dashboard camera on the ground, another on a helicopter in the air — are
obstructed by officers and Crutcher’s car at the exact moment he was shot. That
makes it hard to discern whether Crutcher had his hands up right as Shelby
pulled the trigger.
But Crutcher had his hands up in
the air until at least the seconds before he was shot, and he appears —
although, again, it’s hard to say for sure — to put his hands on the roof of
his car right before the officer fired.
Police found no gun on Crutcher
or in his car.
Law enforcement reportedly found
PCP in Crutcher's car. An attorney for Shelby told Tulsa World that she thought
Crutcher was on drugs when she shot him. But that has no bearing on whether the
shooting was legally justified — unless Crutcher acted in a dangerous or
threatening manner before he was shot, which the video doesn't show.
A local investigation into the
shooting is currently underway. The US Department of Justice also opened an
independent investigation into the shooting.
The shooting has already inspired
strong condemnations from the Black Lives Matter movement, with activist and
New York Daily News columnist Shaun Kingcalling for the police officers
involved to be arrested. The shooting exemplifies yet another example of the
racial disparities in police use of force — showing that even when a black man
holds his hands up, he can still be at risk of getting shot and killed by the
police.
An analysis of the available FBI
data by Vox’s Dara Lind shows that US police kill black people at
disproportionate rates: They accounted for 31 percent of police killing victims
in 2012, even though they made up just 13 percent of the US population.
Although the data is incomplete, since it’s based on voluntary reports from
police agencies around the country, it highlights the vast disparities in how
police use force.
Black teens were 21 times as
likely as white teens to be shot and killed by police between 2010 and 2012,
according to a ProPublica analysis of the FBI data. ProPublica’s Ryan
Gabrielson, Ryann Grochowski Jones, and Eric Sagara reported: "One way of
appreciating that stark disparity, ProPublica’s analysis shows, is to calculate
how many more whites over those three years would have had to have been killed
for them to have been at equal risk. The number is jarring — 185, more than one
per week."
There have been several
high-profile police killings since 2014 involving black suspects. In Baltimore,
six police officers were indicted for the death of Freddie Gray while in police
custody. In North Charleston, South Carolina, Michael Slager was charged with
murder and fired from the police department after shooting Walter Scott, who
was fleeing and unarmed at the time. In Ferguson, Darren Wilson killed unarmed
18-year-old Michael Brown. In New York City, NYPD officer Daniel Pantaleo
killed Eric Garner by putting the unarmed 43-year-old black man in a chokehold.
BLACK TEENS WERE 21 TIMES AS
LIKELY AS WHITE TEENS TO BE SHOT AND KILLED BY POLICE BETWEEN 2010 AND 2012
One possible explanation for the
racial disparities: Police tend to patrol high-crime neighborhoods, which are
disproportionately black. That means they're going to be generally more likely
to initiate a policing action, from traffic stops to more serious arrests,
against a black person who lives in these areas. And all of these policing
actions carry a chance, however small, to escalate into a violent
confrontation.
That's not to say that higher
crime rates in black communities explain the entire racial disparity in police
shootings. A 2015 study by researcher Cody Ross found, "There is no
relationship between county-level racial bias in police shootings and crime
rates (even race-specific crime rates), meaning that the racial bias observed
in police shootings in this data set is not explainable as a response to
local-level crime rates." That suggests something else — such as,
potentially, racial bias — is going on.
One reason to believe racial bias
is a factor: Studies show that officers are quicker to shoot black suspects in
video game simulations. Josh Correll, a University of Colorado Boulder
psychology professor who conducted the research, said it’s possible the bias
could lead to even more skewed outcomes in the field. "In the very
situation in which [officers] most need their training," he said, "we
have some reason to believe that their training will be most likely to fail
them."
Part of the solution to potential
bias is better training that helps cops acknowledge and deal with their
potential subconscious prejudices. But critics also argue that more
accountability could help deter future brutality or excessive use of force,
since it would make it clear that there are consequences to the misuse and abuse
of police powers. Yet right now, lax legal standards make it difficult to
legally punish individual police officers for use of force, even when it might
be excessive.
Police only have to reasonably
perceive a threat to justify shooting
Legally, what most matters in
police shootings is whether police officers reasonably believed that their
lives were in immediate danger, not whether the shooting victim actually posed
a threat. So in the Crutcher case, the question is whether the officers
involved thought he reasonably posed an immediate threat to them or others —
and what exactly Crutcher did to warrant that.
In the 1980s, a pair of Supreme
Court decisions — Tennessee v. Garnerand Graham v. Connor — set up a framework
for determining when deadly force by cops is reasonable.
Constitutionally, "police
officers are allowed to shoot under two circumstances," David Klinger, a
University of Missouri St. Louis professor who studies use of force, told Vox’s
Lind. The first circumstance is "to protect their life or the life of
another innocent party" — what departments call the
"defense-of-life" standard. The second circumstance is to prevent a
suspect from escaping, but only if the officer has probable cause to think the
suspect poses a dangerous threat to others.
The logic behind the second
circumstance, Klinger said, comes from a Supreme Court decision called
Tennessee v. Garner. That case involved a pair of police officers who shot a
15-year-old boy as he fled from a burglary. (He’d stolen $10 and a purse from a
house.) The court ruled that cops couldn’t shoot every felon who tried to
escape. But, as Klinger said, "they basically say that the job of a cop is
to protect people from violence, and if you’ve got a violent person who’s fleeing,
you can shoot them to stop their flight."
THE KEY TO BOTH OF THE LEGAL
STANDARDS IS THAT IT DOESN’T MATTER WHETHER THERE IS AN ACTUAL THREAT WHEN
FORCE IS USED
The key to both of the legal
standards — defense of life and fleeing a violent felony — is that it doesn’t
matter whether there is an actual threat when force is used. Instead, what
matters is the officer’s "objectively reasonable" belief that there
is a threat.
That standard comes from the
other Supreme Court case that guides use-of-force decisions: Graham v. Connor.
This was a civil lawsuit brought by a man who’d survived his encounter with
police officers, but who’d been treated roughly, had his face shoved into the
hood of a car, and broken his foot — all while he was suffering a diabetic attack.
The court didn’t rule on whether
the officers’ treatment of him had been justified, but it did say that the
officers couldn’t justify their conduct just based on whether their intentions
were good. They had to demonstrate that their actions were "objectively
reasonable," given the circumstances and compared to what other police
officers might do.
What’s "objectively
reasonable" changes as the circumstances change. "One can’t just say,
'Because I could use deadly force 10 seconds ago, that means I can use deadly
force again now," Walter Katz, a California attorney who specializes in
oversight of law enforcement agencies, said.
In general, officers are given
lot of legal latitude to use force without fear of punishment. The intention
behind these legal standards is to give police officers leeway to make
split-second decisions to protect themselves and bystanders. And although
critics argue that these legal standards give law enforcement a license to kill
innocent or unarmed people, police officers say they are essential to their
safety.
For some critics, the question
isn’t what’s legally justified but rather what’s preventable. "We have to
get beyond what is legal and start focusing on what is preventable. Most are
preventable," Ronald Davis, a former police chief who heads the Justice
Department’s Office of Community Oriented Policing Services, told the
Washington Post. Police "need to stop chasing down suspects, hopping
fences, and landing on top of someone with a gun," he added. "When they
do that, they have no choice but to shoot."
Police rarely get prosecuted for
shootings
Police are very rarely prosecuted
for shootings — and not just because the law allows them wide latitude to use
force on the job. Sometimes the investigations fall onto the same police
department the officer is from, which creates major conflicts of interest.
Other times the only available evidence comes from eyewitnesses, who may not be
as trustworthy in the public eye as a police officer.
"There is a tendency to
believe an officer over a civilian, in terms of credibility," David
Rudovsky, a civil rights lawyer who co-wrote Prosecuting Misconduct: Law and
Litigation, told Amanda Taub for Vox. "And when an officer is on trial,
reasonable doubt has a lot of bite. A prosecutor needs a very strong case
before a jury will say that somebody who we generally trust to protect us has
so seriously crossed the line as to be subject to a conviction."
If police are charged, they’re
very rarely convicted. The National Police Misconduct Reporting Project
analyzed 3,238 criminal cases against police officers from April 2009 through
December 2010. They found that only 33 percent were convicted, and only 36
percent of officers who were convicted ended up serving prison sentences. Both
of those are about half the rate at which members of the public are convicted
or incarcerated.
The statistics suggest that it
would be a truly rare situation if the officer who shot and killed Crutcher was
convicted of a crime. But video could potentially make a difference — as it did
for prosecutors who pressed charges over the police shootings of Samuel DuBose
in Cincinnati, Walter Scott in North Charleston, South Carolina, and Laquan
McDonald in Chicago.
Say What Now? Police Officers Accidentally Record Themselves Making Up Criminal Charges Against Protester
September 19, 2016
It’s no secret that police
officers fake charges when dealing with protesters, but now there’s hard
evidence.
In a complaint filed U.S.
District Court for the District of Connecticut by the American Civil Liberties
Union of Connecticut, it’s alleged that that three state police troopers
violated a protester’s rights byy searching and detaining him, confiscating his
camera, and charging him with fabricated criminal infractions.
The whole incident was captured
on video.
via ACLU:
On behalf of Connecticut resident
Michael Picard, the ACLU-CT alleges that John Barone, Patrick Torneo, and John
Jacobi, all employed by the state police division of Connecticut’s Department
of Emergency Services and Public Protection, violated Picard’s First Amendment
rights to free speech and information and Fourth Amendment right against
warrantless seizure of his property.
On September 11, 2015, Picard was
protesting near a police DUI checkpoint in West Hartford. Barone approached him
under the pretext of public complaints and confiscated Picard’s legally-carried
pistol and pistol permit. Barone then claimed that filming the police is
illegal, and took Picard’s camera. Unbeknownst to the troopers, the camera was
recording when Barone brought it to Torneo’s cruiser. With the camera rolling,
the officers proceeded to: call a Hartford police officer to see if he or she
had any “grudges” against Picard; open an investigation of him in the police
database; and discuss a separate protest that he had organized at the state
capitol.
After Barone announced “we gotta
cover our ass,” either Torneo or Jacobi stated “let’s give him something,” and
the three settled on fabricating two criminal infraction tickets that they
issued to Picard. Torneo drove away with Picard’s camera on top of his cruiser,
upon which the camera fell onto the hood of the car, Torneo stopped, and Jacobi
returned the camera to Picard. In July of this year, the criminal charges
against Picard were dismissed in the Connecticut Superior Court.
“Police should be focused on
public safety, not punishing protesters and those who film public employees
working on a public street,” said ACLU-CT legal director Dan Barrett, who is
representing Picard in the lawsuit. “As the video shows, these police officers were
more concerned with thwarting Mr. Picard’s free speech and covering their
tracks than upholding the law.”
“Community members like me have a
right to film government officials doing their jobs in public, and we should be
able to protest without fearing political retribution from law enforcement,”
said Picard. “As an advocate for free speech, I’m deeply disappointed that
these police officers ignored my rights, particularly because two of the
troopers involved were supervisors who should be setting an example for others.
By seeking to hold these three police officers accountable, I hope that I can
prevent the same thing from happening to someone else.”
“The evidence clearly shows that
these police officers violated Mr. Picard’s rights,” said attorney Joseph R.
Sastre, who defended Picard against the criminal charges and is joining Barrett
to represent Picard in the civil case. “We are confident that the court will
agree, and we hope that it will send a strong message to police and the public
alike that enforcing the law means respecting free speech, not trampling on
it.”
1,000 to one the son of a bitch gets away with it
....1,000 to one is an expression, please
DO NOT SEND THE FAIRFAX COUNTY SWAT TEAM HERE TO KILL ME FOR GAMBLING
DO NOT SEND THE FAIRFAX COUNTY SWAT TEAM HERE TO KILL ME FOR GAMBLING
FOX 5's Marina Marraco reports.
WASHINGTON -
D.C. Mayor Muriel Bowser said Monday that an officer involved in the deadly
shooting of a motorcyclist on Sunday morning was wearing a body camera, but did
not turn the camera on to record video footage until after the shooting took
place.
D.C.
police said Terrence Sterling of Fort Washington, Maryland was seen riding his
bike erratically near 17th and U Streets in Adams Morgan at around 4:30 a.m.
Sunday. About ten minutes later, Sterling wound up at 3rd and M Streets where
he was shot and killed.
However,
a witness to the shooting told FOX 5 about a different account of the incident.
Kandace Simms said she had just picked up a friend and was sitting in the
right-hand lane waiting at the traffic light at 3rd and M Streets.
"So
I pulled up to the light and I was there by myself for some time and some cars
were coming behind me, but then I saw a motorcycle come on the left of me and
then the police car blocked the motorcycle, so they kind of came at the same
exact time,” said Simms. “The motorcycle was trying to speed off and drive
away, but he couldn't because he was kind of caught in between the sidewalk at
the curb and the police car. So the police were trying to open the passenger
side door and he couldn't because the motorcycle was right there, and I guess
when he couldn't open the door, he rolled down his window and shot twice.”
Simms
said her windows were rolled down and she heard no commands coming from the
officer in the cruiser. She said she saw the motorcycle strike the cruiser
once.
“It
did, but that is because they blocked him,” she said. “The police car wasn't
right there when I pulled up."
According
to Simms, she believes the collision looked unavoidable.
On
Sunday morning, D.C. Police Assistant Chief Peter Newsham gave this account to
reporters.
"Officers
found the vehicle over here at the intersection of 3rd and M Streets,
Northwest, which is about a block north of New York Avenue,” he said. “They
were able to stop the vehicle. The person who was riding the motorcycle
attempted to flee and ended up striking the police car. At that point, shots
were fired. The victim was taken to a local hospital where he was pronounced
dead.”
According
to a D.C. Fire and EMS radio broadcast FOX 5 has been able to hear, Sterling
was shot in the neck.
At a
Monday afternoon news conference, Mayor Bowser said she called the victim’s
family to offer her condolences and revealed only the aftermath of the shooting
was captured on a police body camera.
"Our
preliminary review does not show any camera footage prior to the shooting
incident,” Bowser said.
Officers
wearing body cameras are under strict orders to turn them on as soon as they
begin an encounter with a member of the public.
D.C.
police said the officer involved in the shooting did not suffer serious
injuries and was placed on administrative leave.
Sterling,
31, had worked for more than a decade as an HVAC technician at a contracting
firm. Sterling's mother confirmed to FOX 5 Mayor Bowser had called the family
to extend her condolences. She would not say if their family had retained an
attorney.
Anyone
with information about the case is asked to contact police at 202-727-9099.
Cast-Out Police Officers Are Often Hired in Other Cities
By TIMOTHY WILLIAMS
As a police officer in a small
Oregon town in 2004, Sean Sullivan was caught kissing a 10-year-old girl on the
mouth.
Mr. Sullivan’s sentence barred
him from taking another job as a police officer.
But three months later, in August
2005, Mr. Sullivan was hired, after a cursory check, not just as a police
officer on another force but as the police chief. As the head of the department
in Cedar Vale, Kan., according to court records and law enforcement officials,
he was again investigated for a suspected sexual relationship with a girl and
eventually convicted on charges that included burglary and criminal conspiracy.
“It was very irritating because
he should never have been a police officer,” said Larry Markle, the prosecutor
for Montgomery and Chautauqua counties in Kansas.
Mr. Sullivan, 44, is now in
prison in Washington State on other charges, including identity theft and
possession of methamphetamine. It is unclear how far-reaching such problems may
be, but some experts say thousands of law enforcement officers may have drifted
from police department to police department even after having been fired,
forced to resign or convicted of a crime.
Yet there is no comprehensive,
national system for weeding out problem officers. If there were, such hires
would not happen, criminologists and law enforcement officials say.
Officers, sometimes hired with
only the most perfunctory of background examinations — as Kansas officials said
was the case with Mr. Sullivan — and frequently without even having their
fingerprints checked, often end up in new trouble, according to a review of
court documents, personnel records and interviews with former colleagues and
other law enforcement officials.
As fatal police shootings of
unarmed African-American men and sometimes violent protests have roiled the
nation, the question of how best to remove the worst police officers has been
at the core of reform attempts.
But a lack of coordination among
law enforcement agencies, opposition from police executives and unions, and an
absence of federal guidance have meant that in many cases police departments do
not know the background of prospective officers if they fail to disclose a
troubled work history.
Among the officers, sometimes called
“gypsy cops,” who have found jobs even after exhibiting signs that they might
be ill suited for police work is Timothy Loehmann, the Cleveland officer who
fatally shot 12-year-old Tamir Rice in 2014.
Before he was hired in Cleveland,
Officer Loehmann had resigned from a suburban police force not long after a
supervisor recommended that he be fired for, among other things, an inability
to follow instructions. But Cleveland officials never checked his personnel
file.
Officer Loehmann, who was not
indicted, remains on the Cleveland force. He is on desk duty pending the result
of an administrative review, Sgt. Jennifer Ciaccia, a police spokeswoman, said.
While serving as a St. Louis
officer, Eddie Boyd III pistol-whipped a 12-year-old girl in the face in 2006,
and in 2007 struck a child in the face with his gun or handcuffs before
falsifying a police report, according toMissouri Department of Public Safety
records.
Though Officer Boyd subsequently
resigned, he was soon hired by the police department in nearby St. Ann, Mo.,
before he found a job with the troubled force in Ferguson, Mo., where Michael
Brown, an unarmed 18-year-old African-American, was fatally shot by a white
officer in 2014.
Officer Boyd is being sued by a
woman in Ferguson who said he arrested her after she asked for his name at the
scene of a traffic accident. He declined an interview request.
The Ferguson police declined to
comment about him, but said in a statement that their applicants “undergo
extensive investigation before final hiring decisions are made, which includes,
but is not limited to, a psychological examination, investigation of an
applicant’s prior work history, consultation with applicant’s previous
employers and a criminal background check.”
Across the state, the Kansas City
police fired Kevin Schnell in 2008 for failing to get medical aid for a
pregnant woman after arresting her during a traffic stop. The baby was
delivered, but died a few hours later.
Officer Schnell has since been
hired by two other Missouri police departments, including his current employer
in Independence. Officer Schnell and the Independence police declined to
comment.
Criminologists and police
officials said smaller departments and those that lack sufficient funding or
are understaffed are most likely to hire applicants with problematic pasts if
they have completed state-mandated training, which allows departments to avoid
the cost of sending them to the police academy. Such officers can start work
almost immediately, usually at a modest salary.
But police officials say most
departments perform reasonably well in discovering when officers have histories
of misconduct.
In addition to checking
applicants’ work and criminal histories, and having a psychologist interview
them, departments like those in Seattleand Austin, Tex., check credit
histories. The Houston and Phoenixpolice departments are among those that
administer polygraph tests.
Roger Goldman, an emeritus law
professor at St. Louis University and an authority on police licensing laws,
said that using the National Practitioner Data Bank for physicians as a model,
the government must establish a database of officers who have criminal
convictions, have been fired or forced to resign, have had their law
enforcement licenses revoked, or have been named in a judgment or settlement
involving misconduct.
“After Ferguson and the other
stuff that’s happened, if we can’t get this done now, when are we going to get
it done?” he said.
Last year, in a report by
President Obama’s task force on 21st-century policing, law enforcement
officials and others recommended that the Justice Department establish a
database in partnership with theInternational Association of Directors of Law
Enforcement Standards and Training, which manages a database of officers who
have been stripped of their police powers. There are some 21,000 names on the
list, but Mike Becar, the group’s executive director, said his organization
lacked the resources to do a thorough job.
“It’s all we can do to keep the
database up,” he said.
The Justice Department, which
gave the association about $200,000 to start the database in 2009, no longer
funds it. The department declined to explain why it had dropped its support,
but a spokesman said the goal was “ensuring that our nation’s law enforcement
agencies have the necessary resources to identify the best qualified candidates
to protect and serve communities.”
Law enforcement groups advocating
reforms say an effective database would go a long way toward ensuring that
unfit officers are not given multiple chances.
“Every chief wants as much
information as possible about potential hires before making a hiring decision,
and hiring one wrong person can undo a lot of an agency’s prior good work,”
said Chuck Wexler, the executive director of the Police Executive Research
Forum, a policy group.
He said that while his group was
investigating hiring practices in St. Louis County, Mo., after Mr. Brown’s
death, it found that officers facing severe discipline and possible termination
in many agencies were routinely allowed to resign to avoid a record of having
been fired.
“They could then join another
area department,” Mr. Wexler said.
Mr. Sullivan, who became the
police chief in Cedar Vale, Kan., after being convicted on a harassment charge
for kissing a 10-year-old girl, had been the second-highest-ranking officer in
Coquille, Ore., before he was forced to resign in November 2004.
While prosecutors suggested that
he had been “grooming” the girl for a sexual relationship, he avoided a jail
sentence.
But in August 2005, not long
after an Oregon judge barred Mr. Sullivan from working as a police officer, the
Cedar Vale Police Department hired him. Mr. Sullivan had not told anyone about
his past, local officials said. City officials involved in his hiring no longer
work for Cedar Vale.
Prosecutors in Kansas
investigated a relationship between Mr. Sullivan and a 13- or 14-year-old girl,
but the girl refused to cooperate and the investigation was dropped, Mr.
Markle, the Kansas prosecutor, said. Mr. Sullivan did not respond to a letter
seeking comment.
Eventually, officials checked the
police decertification database and found Mr. Sullivan’s Oregon conviction and
the order barring him from police work.
Wayne Cline, Cedar Vale’s current
police chief, never met Mr. Sullivan, but said he is still talked about around
town.
“Everybody was surprised and
would say, ‘He was such a nice guy,’ and I would think, ‘Yeah, he’s a con man.
They’re like that.’”
Drop the punk attitude, cut your budget and get rid of your over staff do nothing brass
....and you won't have to have community meetings that solve nothing
Fairfax Co. police, community
leaders host town hall meeting
By Dick Uliano
CENTREVILLE, Va. — Fairfax County
police, community leaders and county residents gathered Saturday afternoon for
a town hall-style meeting aimed at building trust between police and the
community. The county is striving for improvements following high profile
incidents involving police use of force.
Since the 2013 fatal police
shooting of John Geer in the doorway of his Springfield home, Fairfax County
police have stepped up training, reexamined use of force polices and increased
efforts toward police accountability.
“The changes that we have made in
use of force, mental health (police contact with people with mental illness)
and all different areas of the police department are through participation with
the community,” said Police Chief Edwin C. Roessler Jr.
The public forum, held at
Centreville Baptist Church, provided an opportunity for police and citizens to
discuss law enforcement efforts and the responsibilities of both police and the
public.
“In the past year we’ve not had a
complaint against the police department, so I think that’s extremely good,”
said Shirley Ginwright, president of the Fairfax County chapter of the NAACP.
Ginwright also leads the county’s Communities of Trust Committee, which
sponsored the town hall-style meeting.
Everybody involved in the meeting
seemed to agree that there are solid benefits when communication improves
between police and citizens, particularly those in culturally diverse
communities. The town hall-style meeting was regarded as the latest effort by
police to reach out and to listen to members of the public.
“One of the things that I think
Fairfax County does especially well is to, every once and a while, step back
and look at ourselves,” said Fairfax County Board of Supervisors Chairman
Sharon Bulova.
Milton Harding, a pastor and a
30-year resident of Centreville, said one meeting won’t be enough.
“We can’t just have one town hall
and think that everything is going to be resolved tomorrow,” said Harding. “It
will take responsibility on both sides of the fence.”
BULLSHIT
Prosecutor: No Wrongdoing by
Fairfax County Officers in Man's Death
Fairfax County's Commonwealth's
Attorney says that four police officers committed no wrongdoing when a resident
of a group home died after a struggle with them.
Raymond Morrogh said in a
statement Thursday that no charges will be filed in the death of 45-year-old
Paul Gianelos of Annandale.
Police say on April 20, Gianelos
wandered away from other group home residents during an outing at a Falls
Church park.
They say Gianelos became
combative after an officer found him, and four officers restrained him,
handcuffing him behind his back. Police say Gianelos suffered what appeared to
be cardiac arrest and died at a hospital.
An autopsy found that Gianelos
died from cardiac arrhythmia associated with police restraint.
Police Chief Col. Edwin Roessler
Jr. says the officers will return to full duty.
another insane cop.....we need federal mental health testing of all police candidates
New
Haven police chief resigns after two public outbursts where he
berated a waitress and threatened to shut down a football game
• Police
chief, Dean Esserman, visited the White House twice in the past year
• He
resigned after launching a tirade against waiting staff at a restaurant
• Esserman's
outburst was so severe it caused other diners to move tables
• He
threatened to cancel a Yale football game during his tenure as chief
By SIMON HOLMES FOR MAILONLINE
A Connecticut police chief who
was invited to the White House twice in the past year to discuss law
enforcement issues has resigned after being disciplined twice for berating people
in public.
New Haven Mayor Toni Harp
announced Tuesday that Police Chief Dean Esserman resigned by 'mutual
agreement' effective September 2. She also praised him for the city's declining
crime and violence.
'I'm grateful for the chief's
successful legacy,' Harp said in a statement.
'Public safety in New Haven is
improved after a return to grass roots community policing, productive
partnerships with other law enforcement agencies, and positive interaction with
community organizations.'
Esserman has apologized in the
past for public outbursts but it seems the last straw was a July confrontation
with a member of staff at Archie Moore’s bar and restaurant in New Haven.
Harp investigated the matter
after a witness said the chief's yelling prompted other diners to be asked to
move further away from his table.
Esserman is said have been
infuriated by poor service at the restaurant.
He faced a packed room at police
headquarters Tuesday afternoon, speaking briefly about his time as chief and
the dedication of officers in the city.
He said it was 'very important'
that he give those in attendance the 'respect they deserve,' and to let them
know in person that he was moving on.
'It has been a privilege to serve
Mayor Harp and work alongside the remarkable men and women of the New Haven
Department of Police Service, who no doubt have earned the title, 'New Haven's
Finest,'' Esserman said.
'Last and certainly not least, it
has been my privilege to serve the wonderful people of New Haven.'
Esserman agreed in July to go on
three weeks of paid leave and then went on temporary sick leave amid the latest
allegations from the local restaurant.
This is not the first time the
police chief has been caught up in controversy. Two years ago, Harp reprimanded
Esserman for his angry confrontation with a Yale Bowl usher.
When he was police chief in
Providence, Rhode Island, in 2011, Esserman was suspended without pay for one
day for what media reports said was a threat to throw coffee in the face of a
sergeant who was coughing during a speech by Esserman.
Officers in both New Haven and
Providence voted no confidence in Esserman, accusing him of publicly berating
officers, intimidation, favoritism and retaliation, among other things.
Esserman, a Dartmouth College
graduate who never served as a rank-and-file officer, is a protege of New York
City Police Commissioner William Bratton, former chief of the Los Angeles
police and former Boston police commissioner.
He previously served as an
assistant prosecutor in Brooklyn, New York, assistant police chief in New Haven
from 1991 to 1993, police chief for the Metro-North Railroad and police chief
in Stamford, Connecticut.
He became New Haven chief in 2011.
Esserman was among 30 law
enforcement officials, civil rights activists and other people invited to a
White House discussion in July on improving police-community relations. He also
attended a White House discussion on reducing incarceration across the country
in October.
Assistant Chief Anthony Campbell
will continue to serve as Interim police chief in New Haven.
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