Buffalo Officer Suspended After Video of Beating
BUFFALO, N.Y. -- A police
officer is caught on camera by a TV news camera person early Thanksgiving Day
hitting a man with a baton.
Now, that officer is off the job and suspended
without pay.
Night stick in hand, Officer
Corey Krug walks down a Buffalo street early Thanksgiving morning confronting a
man about to get into a fight.
Other officers rush over as
Krug tells the man on the ground to get up. The video shows Krug striking the
man on the ground with his baton several times.
Those other officers are
telling Krug he is being recorded on camera.
A news photographer with 7
Eyewitness News was on scene and documented the altercation. He was following
police officers on the job when he saw Krug hitting the man and then letting
him walk away.
"They're telling this guy
to walk away, so apparently, he did nothing," said Daire Irwin, an
attorney with the New York Civil Liberties Union.
He says in a situation like
this, police officers would typically charge someone with a crime, but in this
case, there was no arrest.
"I absolutely,
categorically believe his civil rights were violated," Irwin said.
After 7 Eyewitness News showed
the tape to Buffalo Police Commissioner Dan Derenda, Krug was suspended
indefinitely without pay.
Derenda says he's reached out
to both the FBI and the US Attorney's Office for a possible investigation into
civil rights violations.
The police department is also
doing its own investigation.
"I really can't comment on
an internal investigation,” Derenda said. “What I will say is as it has shown,
this administration takes inappropriate behavior very seriously and appropriate
action was taken in each and every case."
7 Eyewitness News reports that
Krug joins a list of at least 15 Buffalo police officers who have been charged,
convicted or suspended since 2012.
The latest was Officer John
Cirruli, who was convicted on civil rights violations after being caught on
camera in April hitting and kicking John Willett.
Last year, Krug was named in a
federal civil rights lawsuit from a 2010 arrest.
It's unclear where that case
stands in federal court.
We've also discovered from a
police source, Corey Krug is a relative of Officer Raymond Krug, who was
charged with federal civil rights violations from a 2009 arrest.
"The vast majority of
officers do the right thing each and every day,” Derenda said. “When officers
don't do the right thing across the line, there's consequences, as we've shown
in the past, we do what we have to do to take necessary action."
Salem detective suspended pending federal investigation
By Jeff Sturgeon jeff.sturgeon@roanoke.com 981-3251
The city of Salem revealed
Monday morning that a Salem police detective assigned to a federal drug task
force was suspended without pay two months ago and is the subject of a federal
investigation.
The reason for the
investigation has not been made public.
Salem spokesman Mike Stevens
said the officer, whom Stevens declined to name, was suspended without pay Oct.
10 in connection with an FBI probe.
Before the suspension, the
officer had been assigned for the last five years to a local U.S. Drug Enforcement
Administration task force. The officer worked in the task force’s Roanoke
office, Stevens said.
Steven’s statement indicated
that the case may be in a preliminary phase and hasn’t yet gone to court.
Stevens said the officer’s
suspension would be subject to further review and revision “at the conclusion
of this officer’s court proceedings.”
Salem Police Chief Tim Guthrie
declined to comment, except to say the officer’s situation is a personnel matt
Beyond cameras and training — here are 5 more ways to improve police oversight
Even if I were not a political scientist who
understood both the importance of what police officers do every day and the
dangers they face in their job, I would have a very personal reason for
appreciating their work. Years ago, police officers put their bodies on the
line to protect my father, when he was a justice of the peace in upstate New
York.
So like most Americans, I'm not
inclined to criticize police officers who use force to protect themselves and
others.
At the same time, the deaths of
Michael Brown, Tamir Rice, and Eric Garner remind us that sometimes police
officers use deadly force in questionable circumstances. And there is dramatic
statistical evidence that institutional racism plays a role in who is killed by
the police — black men die at disproportionate rates. But very rarely are
police officers held accountable for what they do.
They should be.
We need a criminal trial
I reach that conclusion not
because I know all the details of these three cases — but, rather, because I do
not. None of us does, for the very simple reason that the evidence in these
cases has not been brought forward and tested in public, by the process we
believe best enables us to get the truth, a criminal trial. In the Brown and
Garner deaths, a grand jury declined to indict the police officers involved. We
are still waiting to see what happens in the Rice case.
I don't think police officers
should be indicted in these cases because I think they are guilty. I don't know
if they're guilty. An indictment is not a judgment of guilt. Someone indicted
is still innocent until proven guilty in a trial. I think they should be
indicted both so that justice is done in the individual cases and because it is
critically important to hold the police accountable for their actions, both for
the public that relies on the police, and for the overwhelming majority of
police officers who do their job well and want the rest to be held to the same
standard.
There are a number of ways to
reduce unwarranted police shootings. It appears that new training programs in
Philadelphia have reduced them dramatically. Such programs should be broadly
adopted.
And putting video cameras on
police officers is an idea that has merit as well — even if, as we saw in the
Garner case, the meaning of a video is subject to dispute.
But neither training the police
to do well nor watching what they do is enough. It's a settled principle of
American Constitutionalism, and implicit in our practices — not just in
politics but in business, medicine, education and other fields — that the best
way to insure that people do the right thing to institute some form of
oversight or check on their misbehavior.
The criminal justice system is
the appropriate oversight when people are killed. It is for civilians. It
should be for the police. But it is not today.
How can we make it effective?
Here are five suggestions
1. Appoint special prosecutors
to investigate police killings.
We have ample evidence that
even the best district attorneys need to be concerned about protecting their
relationship with the police, without whom they cannot do their jobs. They are
thus very much disinclined to do what they usually do before a grand jury,
which is to make a case for an indictment. So let's take them out of this
difficult situation and let a specially appointed attorney investigate deaths
at the hands of the police.
I would suggest that judges —
say the president judge of Common Pleas Court in Philadelphia — be empowered to
recruit a pool of lawyers with extensive experience to serve as special prosecutors
and that they then be chosen at random to investigate particular cases as they
arise.
2. Give special prosecutors
adequate resources.
Special prosecutors need a
guarantee that they will have the resources and tools needed to carry out a
thorough investigation. Perhaps the state police should be empowered to take
the place of local police forces.
3. Make the grand jury
proceedings public.
All of these cases should come
before a specially empaneled grand jury that holds its sessions in public.
Private grand juries allow selected and unbalanced evidence to be leaked.
Unlike most criminal cases, the names of the police officers under
investigation are already public. So there is no reason to hold these sessions
in private, except in the rare situation when this is the only way to secure
testimony. Public sessions will enable the media and public to evaluate whether
the DA is making a proper case.
4. Empower the families of the
deceased.
Resources should be provided to
the family of those killed by the police sothey can make some kind of legal
pleading at the grand jury.
5. The public should pay for
the proceedings.
The legal fees of those police
officers investigated by the special prosecutor and brought to trial should be
paid by the public. And while they should not be allowed to act as police
officers during their trial, they should continue to be paid until it is over.
The point of these new
procedures is not to create an investigation or trial biased against the
police. That would be as unfair to the police and as dangerous to the public as
the current situation. The point is to create the oversight that, along with better
training and video recordings, can restore confidence in the police among a
public that very much needs to work with law enforcement in order to keep our
communities safe.
—
Marc Stier is a writer and
political activist from Mt. Airy. He’s finishing a book titled “Civilization
and Its Contents: Reflections on Sexuality and the Culture Wars."
Police oversight bill headed to Obama
By Ramsey Cox
The Senate passed a bill
Wednesday to investigate the deaths of people being held under police custody.
H.R. 1447, the Death in Custody
Reporting Act, would require states receiving some federal funds to report to
the U.S. attorney general every quarter on whether any person arrested or
detained died while in police custody.
The bill, which comes after
several unarmed African-American men have been killed by local law enforcement,
would also require the attorney general to study how it could reduce the number
of deaths that occur under police custody.
The House passed the measure by
voice vote last year. The Senate passed it through a unanimous consent
agreement, meaning it now heads to President Obama’s desk for him to sign it
into law.
Across The Country, Police Brutality Cases On Many Minds
New Yorkers talk about the Eric
Garner case, other cases of police brutality, and how these divisive issues
affect their sense of self and of citizenship.
2014 NPR.
MELISSA BLOCK, HOST:
Recent deaths at the hands of
police have raised lots of anguished questions about where we are as a country
on issues of race and police relations. We asked locals and tourists in New
York City today what they're thinking and whether this changes how they think
about the country.
CHRISTIAN PARKER: It doesn't really
change my viewpoint on America at all. Like, this still the country that I live
in. New York is still the city I live in. Like, I'm from here. I was born here,
so it's not going to change my idea about America at all. But I know it does
change other people's opinions. I know some people are like, oh, let's riot,
let's do this, let's do that. But, in my opinion, there's no need for it.
ALYCE ANGLER: Yeah, I feel like
we're definitely on the decline and not on the upwards of being united. I feel
like we're on the decline of being - we're not a country anymore. We're islands
living together on one continent.
LISA NORRIS: As far as what
happened in - on Staten Island, I do believe the police officer probably took
it a little out of hand. But I don't think you should look at the color of the
people. You should look at the event and not so much if you're black or white
or - I don't think that should matter.
ZOE CHACE, BYLINE: So when
people say, oh, there's a pattern of shooting young black men in this country,
you don't really buy that.
NORRIS: Maybe the black men
shouldn't be in the situation that they get shot.
CARRIE GARCIA: I remember
seeing separate water fountains for blacks and for whites when I was a child.
And, well, we don't have separate water fountains. Maybe we have separate
systems of justice.
RICO RODRIGUEZ: A lot of stuff
happens in America. So it's like - it's not in my power to change it. I can't
do it by myself alone. But I got to - it's got to be a whole society of people.
And then there's another story for them to actually listen to us.
BLOCK: We heard there from
Christian Parker (ph), Alyce Angler (ph), Lisa Norris (ph), Carrie Garcia (ph)
and Rico Rodriguez (ph). They spoke in New York to NPR's Zoe Chace.
UN panel slams US for police brutality, torture, botched executions
A UN report has condemned the
United States for violating the terms of an international anti-torture treaty.
The panel took Washington to task for police brutality, military
interrogations, and capital punishment protocols.
“The Committee is concerned
about numerous reports of police brutality and excessive use of force by law
enforcement officials,” the paper released by the UN Committee Against Torture
says, adding that in particular this brutality is seen against persons
belonging “to certain racial and ethnic groups, immigrants and LGBTI
individuals.”
The document was released on
Friday, just days after the contentious decision of a Missouri grand jury not
to indict a white officer accused of shooting Michael Brown, an unarmed black
teen. The decision triggered a wave of protests nationwide.
Although the report didn’t
specifically mention the events in Ferguson, Mike Brown’s parents met with the
committee to discuss their son’s case in Geneva earlier this month.
The UN watchdog expressed “deep concern at the
frequent and recurrent police shootings or fatal pursuits of unarmed black
individuals.”
The 10-person panel, which
periodically reviews the records of the 156 countries which ratified the
Convention Against Torture – a non-binding international human rights treaty –
cited mounting concerns over “racial profiling by police and immigration
offices, and growing militarization of policing activities.” f the "
The committee called on US authorities to
“prosecute persons suspected of torture or ill-treatment and, if found guilty,
ensure that they are punished in accordance with the gravity of their acts.”
“We recommend that all
instances of police brutality and excessive use of force by law enforcement
officers are investigated promptly, effectively and impartially by an
independent mechanism,” said panel member, Alessio Bruni, at a news conference
in Geneva.
Urging for tougher laws to
define and ban torture, the committee called on Washington to reevaluate the
treatment of detainees at the infamous Guantanamo Bay detention facility, which
currently houses 148 prisoners.
“The Committee is particularly
disturbed at reports describing a draconian system of secrecy surrounding
high-value detainees that keeps their torture claims out of the public domain.”
In addition, the committee
criticized the recent spate of botched executions, especially in Arizona,
Oklahoma, and Ohio, citing reported cases “of excruciating pain and prolonged
suffering that procedural irregularities have caused to condemned prisoners in
the course of their execution.”
The UN body further highlighted
“continued delays in recourse procedures which keep prisoners sentenced to
death in a situation of anguish and incertitude for many years.”
“The Committee notes that in
certain cases such a situation amounts to torture in so far as it corresponds
to one of the forms of torture (i.e. the threat of imminent death) contained in
the interpretative understanding made by the State party at the time of
ratification of the Convention.”
The report urges US authorities
to establish “a moratorium on executions with a view to abolish the death
penalty” and “to commute the sentences of individuals currently on death row.”
US activists welcomed the
findings as a call to action for the federal government.
“This report - along with the
voices of Americans protesting around the country this week - is a wake-up call
for police who think they can act with impunity,” said Jamil Dakwar of the
American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), as quoted by Reuters.
This is the future problem America will have with its cops (that and "lost" cameras)
Oakland cops disciplined 24
times for failing to turn on body-worn cameras
Punishments ranged from
"written reprimand" to suspensions of a few days.
OAKLAND, Calif.—Over the last
two years, the Oakland Police Department (OPD) has disciplined police officers
on 24 occasions for disabling or failing to activate body-worn cameras, newly
released public records show. The City of Oakland did not provide any records
prior to 2013, and the OPD did not immediately respond to Ars’ request for
comment.
The records show that on
November 8, 2013 one officer was terminated after failing to activate his
camera. Less than two weeks later, another resigned for improperly removing the
camera from his or her uniform. However, most officers received minor
discipline in comparison.
Obama wants to buy 50,000 body
cams for police, monitor military gear handouts
An extra $263 million in
funding would be used toward training cops to use the tech.
The OPD has used Portable
Digital Recording Devices (PDRDs) since late 2010. According to the
department's own policy, patrol officers are required to wear the cameras
during a number of outlined situations, including detentions, arrests, and
serving a warrant. At present, the city has about 700 officers.
This year the issue of
body-worn cameras on police officers came to the fore after the tragic killings
of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and Eric Garner in New York City at the
hands of local cops. In the aftermath of grand jury decisions to not indict the
officers responsible, the Obama administration released a review of how local
law enforcement agencies use equipment, proposing that the federal government
spend $263 million over three years to "expand training for law
enforcement agencies (LEAs)" and "add more resources for police
department reform." The review included a proposal to dedicate $75 million
over three years to buy up to 50,000 body cameras for local LEAs.
Because body-worn cameras are
still relatively new, there aren't any published studies on rates of
non-compliance, according to John DeCarlo, a professor at the John Jay College
of Criminal Justice and the former chief of police of Branford, Connecticut.
"You may have a legitimate
excuse [for not turning it on], but if it was nefarious, that's a different
story," DeCarlo told Ars.
What happened on November 22,
2013?
In Oakland, the cameras were
acquired largely as the result of a federal lawsuit alleging abuse by four
officers known as "The Riders." In 2003, the City of Oakland and the
OPD agreed with the plaintiffs to a settlement, which required the authorities
to pay more than $10 million in fines and impose numerous reforms. The four
officers were subsequently fired from the OPD, although one remains a federal
fugitive after fleeing to Mexico. None of the other three officers were
convicted.
Promises to get data retention,
privacy policies in place later.
The new data shows that the
most common punishment for officers who did not comply with their own
department’s policy was a "written reprimand" or a suspension of one
to three days. One officer was even suspended for 20 days in December 2013 due
to an allegation of failing to activate his body-worn camera.
On November 22, 2013, there
were five separate incidents where officers allegedly "improperly
removed" or "failed to initiate their PDRD." One of those
officers, none of whom were named, appears to have resigned as a result of the
incident. Ars has filed another public records request to learn more about
these incidents.
Watching the watchers
As a result of the city’s
settlement in the Riders case (formally known as the Negotiated Settlement
Agreement), an independent monitor is required to prepare a quarterly report
detailing the OPD’s compliance record. Its most recent report, dated October
30, 2014, notes that in three cases, PDRD "recordings directly
contradicted" statements made by witness or complainants against OPD
officers.
However the report added:
During our last review, we
found that there were no cases in which the failure to activate a PDRD went
unaddressed. There was one case, however, in which the discipline was
sufficient but follow-up was needed. In that case the officer had failed to
activate his PDRD on three separate occasions. While we felt that the
discipline imposed was adequate, we commented that the officer’s supervisor
should more closely monitor his activities. A key responsibility of sergeants
is to ensure that the officers they are supervising are complying with OPD
policies. In the future, the supervisor could easily compare and review the
officer’s activities with his PDRD recordings to ensure that he is in
compliance with OPD policies. An additional benefit of review of PDRD
recordings would be that the sergeant would be able to evaluate the officer’s
tactics and interactions with citizens. We learned that OPD has followed up
with this officer to ensure that he remains in compliance with the PDRD policy.
His current supervisor conducts monthly audits of his PDRD use and submits
audit forms up his chain of command.
On November 18, 2014, OPD
supervisors were reminded that they are required under department policy to
conduct random reviews of PDRD footage.
Cops use taser on woman while she recorded arrest of another man
"You a dumb
bitch," video captures cop saying after yanking victim from car.
by David Kravets –
A 36-year-old Baltimore woman claims she was
tased by police and arrested while filming the arrest of a man with her mobile
phone, according to a lawsuit to be served on the Baltimore City Police
Department as early as Thursday.
Video of the March 30 melee surfaced online this
week. Police erased the 135-second recording from the woman's phone, but it was
recovered from her cloud account, according to the Circuit Court for Baltimore
City lawsuit (PDF), which seeks $7 million.
Kianga Mwamba was driving home from a family
gathering in March. Stopped in traffic, she began filming the nearby arrest of
a man who she says was kicked by police.
"You telling me I can't record," the
woman says on the video as police tell her to move on.
"I'll park. I'll park. I'll park," the
woman is heard saying in her own recording.
All of a sudden an officer says, "Out of the
car. Out of the car."
She was yanked out. "He burning me. He
burning me," the woman is heard screaming.
The lawsuit comes as at least one state,
Illinois, moves to ban the recording of the police amid calls across the nation
for cops to be equipped with body cameras to help prevent future police
scuffles resulting in deaths. President Barack Obama has also weighed in on the
issue, announcing last week that the administration would provide $75 million
in funding to police departments to purchase body cameras. Even before Obama's
announcement, local police departments were gobbling them up as fast as they
could in the aftermath of the Ferguson, Missouri death of Michael Brown.
Mwamba was arrested on charges of assault for
allegedly trying to run over two officers. Charges were dropped, and she
suffered cuts and bruises.
At the end of the tape, an officer says,
"You a dumb bitch, you know that?"
"What did I do?" she asks.
"You just tried to run over an
officer," the officer responds.
While in custody, she gave her phone to an
officer to show the video that she didn't try to run over anybody. The video
was allegedly erased from the phone in what her attorney, Joshua Insley,
described in a telephone interview as a "coverup."
The police department said in a statement that
the language the officer used was "both offensive and unacceptable."
"The video does not capture enough
information to draw definitive conclusions about what transpired before,
during, and after the arrest," the department said. "What is clear is
that the language used is unacceptable and will not be tolerated."
The suit, filed last week, said the police
"attacked" the woman, "dragged" her from her vehicle, and
"threw her onto the street, handcuffed her, tasered her, called her a
'dumb bitch,' and kept her restrained."
The suit says the officers arrested Mwamba and
"threw her face-down on the street" to "prevent the disclosure
of the video taken of them beating a handcuffed man."
That handcuffed man was 27-year-old Cordell Bruce,
who faces assault charges on allegations of striking an officer outside a
nightclub—charges Bruce denies. The video does not capture him being beaten by
police.
In Brooklyn Gun Cases, Suspicion Turns to the Police
The tip comes from
a confidential informer: Someone has a gun. Ten or more minutes later, police
officers find a man matching the informer’s detailed description at the
reported location. A gun is discovered; an arrest is made.
That narrative
describes how Jeffrey Herring was arrested last year by police officers in the
67th Precinct in East Flatbush, Brooklyn. It also describes the arrests of at
least two other men, Eugene Moore and John Hooper, by some of the same
officers.
The suspects said
the guns were planted by the police.
There were other
similarities: Each gun was found in a plastic bag or a handkerchief, with no
traces of the suspect’s fingerprints. Prosecutors and the police did not
mention a confidential informer until months after the arrests. None of the
informers have come forward, even when defense lawyers and judges have
requested they appear in court.
Taken
individually, the cases seem to be routine examples of differences between the
police account of an arrest and that of the person arrested. But taken
together, the cases — along with other gun arrests made in the precinct by
these officers — suggest a pattern of questionable police conduct and tactics.
Mr. Moore’s case
has already been dismissed; a judge questioned the credibility of one of the
officers, Detective Gregory Jean-Baptiste, saying he was “extremely evasive” on
the witness stand.
Mr. Hooper spent a
year in jail awaiting trial, eventually pleading guilty and agreeing to a
sentence of time served after the judge in his case called the police version
of events “incredible.”
In another
example, Lt. Edward Babington, one of the four officers in Mr. Herring’s case,
was involved in a federal gun case that was later dismissed and led to a
$115,000 settlement. In that case, a federal judge said she believed that the
“officers perjured themselves.”
Debora Silberman,
a public defender at Brooklyn Defender Services, has been fighting Mr.
Herring’s arrest, filing a two-inch-thick motion detailing the problems with
his case and the similarities to others.
On Thursday, after
inquiries from The New York Times, prosecutors said that they were
re-evaluating the case.
Ms. Silberman said
she had always believed Mr. Herring. “Nothing in his story has ever changed,”
she said.
Claims of
Fabrication
She and another
defense lawyer, Scott Hechinger, have suggested in court papers that a group of
officers invents criminal informers, and may be motivated to make false arrests
to help satisfy department goals or quotas. They also question whether the police
are collecting the $1,000 rewards offered to informers from Operation Gun Stop,
especially in cases where the informers never materialize.
Deputy Chief Kim
Y. Royster, a spokeswoman for the Police Department, said investigators from
the Internal Affairs Bureau were looking at the officers’ conduct in these
cases. “Any allegations that are made in regards to the credibility” of the
officers “are taken very seriously,” she said, adding that programs like Gun
Stop protected the anonymity of informers, and that there were layers of
oversight “to ensure that the integrity of the program is solid.”
While the
individual officers declined to comment or did not respond to requests for
comment, spokesmen for their unions noted that this group had removed more than
300 guns from the streets and the cases were solid.
Mr. Herring was
standing outside his apartment on the afternoon of June 4, 2013, next to his
bike, when, the police said, he reached into a white plastic bag and removed a
gun, putting it in a black plastic bag. He tossed that bag in the bushes — the
entire sequence witnessed by a plainclothes officer, the police said.
Mr. Herring said
he had been running errands, making stops at C-Town, Bargain Land and a dollar
store. When the police told him he was being arrested for gun possession, he
said, he was shocked.
Mr. Herring, 52,
had been arrested three other times, twice for drugs and once for burglary; he
had not been arrested again until this gun case, records show. He said that he
had not used drugs since 1997, and that he most certainly did not have a gun
when he was arrested in 2013.
“I’m in front of
the building,” he said, questioning the police’s account, “waving a gun like
some maniac?”
Ms. Silberman
first learned of potential problems with the officers’ credibility when
prosecutors in Mr. Herring’s case disclosed that testimony by Detective
Jean-Baptiste had been challenged by a judge in an evidence-suppression hearing
on a gun case in 2013.
Ms. Silberman
called the defense lawyer in that case, Jeffrey Chabrowe, and was surprised to
hear how similar the cases were.
Mr. Chabrowe’s
client, Eugene Moore, had been arrested on a gun possession charge by Detective
Jean-Baptiste, who is now retired, and Sgt. Vassilios Aidiniou. Those officers,
along with Lieutenant Babington and Officer Jean Gaillard, participated in Mr.
Herring’s arrest.
Like Mr. Herring,
Mr. Moore had been standing next to a bike in the afternoon, the police said,
and had stored a gun in a white plastic bag underneath containers of takeout
food. There was also a criminal informer involved, the police said.
Mr. Moore, who
could not afford bail, spent a year in jail before an October 2013 hearing on
the case. At that hearing, Detective Jean-Baptiste said the informer had told
the police that “they were with someone” with a gun in a white plastic bag, on
bikes, heading toward Rutland Road and Rockaway Parkway.
Police officers
arrived about 20 minutes later, and — even though the suspected gunman was
supposed to be bicycling — they found Mr. Moore standing at the same
intersection, next to a bicycle with a white bag on the handlebars.
Detective
Jean-Baptiste went on to give conflicting testimony about the informer and the
circumstances of the arrest. Justice William Harrington of State Supreme Court
in Brooklyn called the detective “extremely evasive” and said he did not find
him “to be credible.” The judge suppressed the gun evidence, and Mr. Moore’s
case was dismissed and sealed.
The Same Officers
Ms. Silberman then
found another case involving Lieutenant Babington, Detective Jean-Baptiste and
Sergeant Aidiniou, handled by a colleague at Brooklyn Defender Services, Renee
Seman.
In that case, Mr.
Hooper was standing on the street when Detective Jean-Baptiste, in
plainclothes, approached from behind, tipped off, the police said, by an
informer. At that very moment, the police said, Mr. Hooper reached into his
pocket, took out a gun wrapped in a red bandanna and threw it in the trash.
Prosecutors
declined to bring the confidential informer in that case to court, so a hearing
was held to determine if the officer’s observations sufficed as probable cause
for the arrest. In that hearing, in State Supreme Court in Brooklyn, Detective
Jean-Baptiste described how he had first seen a bulge in the shape of a gun in
the defendant’s pocket, even as he acknowledged that he was a car-length away
and that the defendant was wearing a long shirt and baggy pants.
“Supposedly this
defendant doesn’t see the police coming, but elects out of nowhere to take the
object out of his pants pocket and dump it in a garbage can?” Justice Guy J.
Mangano said. “I find it incredible that they thought it was a gun.”
Before Justice
Mangano made a decision in the case, the district attorney offered Mr. Hooper a
plea deal for time served — he had spent almost a year in jail — and Mr. Hooper
agreed.
Other questionable
cases arose.
In 2007, federal
prosecutors brought a case against Terry Cross, who was arrested after the
police saw him in the backyard of a house where drug dealing was suspected.
Officers found a gun in a gray plastic bag near where Mr. Cross was standing,
as well as marijuana, the police said. Gun and drug charges were filed.
New York Attorney General Seeks Powers to Investigate Killings by the Police
By JESSE McKINLEY and J. DAVID
GOODMAN
ALBANY — Attorney General Eric T.
Schneiderman of New York asked Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo on Monday to immediately
grant his office the power to investigate and prosecute killings of unarmed
civilians by law enforcement officials.
Mr. Schneiderman also challenged
state legislators to pass new laws to repair public confidence in the criminal
justice system, which he said was badly damaged after grand juries in Missouri
and on Staten Island declined to bring criminal charges against officers in
fatal encounters with unarmed black men.
But he seemed unwilling to wait
for new powers to investigate the police in the event that another killing
occurred before new laws were passed. “When the trust between the police and
the communities they serve and protect breaks down, everyone is at risk,” he
said.
The grand jury’s decision not to
indict in the case of Eric Garner, who died after a police chokehold during an
arrest on Staten Island in July, has renewed and strengthened calls for special
prosecutors to handle such cases.
While Mr. Schneiderman was joined
by local and state political leaders during his announcement in Manhattan, the
prospects for quick legislative or executive action seem murky at best.
While the Assembly, dominated by
Democrats, has passed bills in the past allowing the attorney general to
investigate and prosecute alleged police misconduct, similar measures have
failed to advance in the Senate, where Republicans were recently elected to a
clear majority. On Monday, Scott Reif, a spokesman for the Senate Republican
leader, Dean G. Sklelos of Long Island, had no immediate comment on the
attorney general’s proposal.
The governor’s office also had a
measured response to the attorney general, who has had an often chilly
relationship with Mr. Cuomo. In a statement, Melissa DeRosa, Mr. Cuomo’s
communications director, said the attorney general’s proposal was being
reviewed, even as the governor pursued a “broader approach that seeks to ensure
equality and fairness in our justice system.”
The proposal received immediate
pushback from police unions and several district attorneys in New York City,
particularly in Brooklyn, where a grand jury will soon be impaneled to hear
evidence in the fatal shooting of an unarmed man by an officer patrolling with
his gun drawn.
Describing himself as “adamantly
opposed,” the Brooklyn district attorney, Kenneth P. Thompson, said in a
statement that the voters elected him “to keep them safe from all crimes,
including those of police brutality.”
District attorneys in the Bronx
and Queens also defended their ability to prosecute cases involving police
officers, while the Manhattan district attorney has said, in general, he would
remain open to discussing the idea but has expressed reservations about special
prosecutors’ lack of accountability.
A spokesman for the Staten Island
district attorney, whose office presented Mr. Garner’s death to a grand jury
but did not secure an indictment, declined to comment.
Michael J. Palladino, president of
the detectives’ union, said the attorney general’s proposal “insulted the
intelligence and the integrity of the grand jurors who examined the facts” on
Staten Island.
Calls for special prosecutors have
often followed fatal police encounters, particularly from relatives of the
victims who believe that the close working relationship between local
prosecutors and the police prevents them from robustly presenting cases against
officers accused of wrongdoing on the job. The calls, however, are seldom
answered.
The family of Sean Bell, killed in
a volley of 50 police bullets in 2006, urged the state to appoint a special
prosecutor to investigate the officers. None was appointed. The Queens district
attorney secured an indictment against three detectives involved in the
shooting, but they were acquitted after a trial on charges of manslaughter,
assault and reckless endangerment.
The debate over the police and
prosecutors seems more likely to percolate through the next legislative session
and Mr. Cuomo’s second term, both of which begin in January. Senate Democrats
planned to meet in Albany this week, and late Monday introduced legislation to
create an Office of Special Investigation within the state attorney general’s
office, which would “investigate any criminal offense or offenses committed by
a police officer” that results in the death of an unarmed civilian.
Former Putnam County's Sheriff's Deputy Sentenced for Civil Rights Violations
Deputy Used Excessive Force on Two
Occasions While on Duty
U.S. Attorney’s Office December
04, 2014
Southern District of Indiana (317)
226-6333
TERRE HAUTE—Acting United States Attorney Josh
J. Minkler announced this afternoon the sentencing of Terry Joe Smith, a/k/a
T.J., age 38, of Greencastle, Indiana. Smith who served as a deputy with the
Putnam County Sheriff’s Department was sentenced to 14 months by U.S. District
Judge William T. Lawrence. Smith was found guilty after a jury trial in
September of this year on two counts of deprivation of civil rights under color
of law.
“The public has a right to expect
better from their law enforcement officers,” said Minkler. “It is certainly a
tragedy when a law enforcement officer with a family choses to violate the
civil rights of our citizens, but it would be a far greater tragedy if T.J.
Smith was not held fully accountable for his unlawful use of force in this
case.”
Testimony at trial indicated that
Smith used excessive force against citizens on two occasions in his capacity as
a Putnam County Sheriff’s Deputy. These incidents occurred on West Stardust
Road and at the Lazy Acres trailer park in Greencastle.
On one occasion Smith punched a
victim in the face after other officers had secured the victim resulting in
serious bodily injury. The second offense occurred at the Lazy Acres Trailer
Park in Greencastle when Smith threw a handcuffed person to the ground and
drove his knee into that person’s back while lying on the ground.
Law enforcement officials are
subject to criminal prosecution whenever evidence exists that they knowingly
abuse their authority and deprive individuals of their constitutional rights.
Such acts of misconduct, known as acts committed under “color of law,” include
allegations of excessive force.
“The FBI will vigorously pursue
law enforcement officers who violate their sacred duty to protect and serve,”
said Special Agent in Charge W. Jay Abbott. “The vast majority of law
enforcement officers serve bravely and with great integrity in the performance
of their duties.”
Minkler praised the outstanding
law enforcement work by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The FBI is a
leading partner in the U.S. Attorney’s Public Integrity Working Group, which
was launched in April 2012 with the stated purpose of aggressively
investigating allegations of public fraud, waste and abuse by public officials
in Indiana.
According to Assistant United
States Attorneys Bradley A. Blackington and MaryAnn T. Mindrum, who prosecuted
the case for the government, Smith will serve two years of supervised release
after his sentence.
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