on sale now at amazon

on sale now at amazon
"I don't like this book because it don't got know pictures" Chief Rhorerer

“It’s becoming a disturbingly familiar scene in America - mentally unstable cops”

“It’s becoming a disturbingly familiar scene in America - mentally unstable cops”
“It’s becoming a disturbingly familiar scene in America - mentally unstable cops”

Buffalo Officer Suspended After Video of Beating



BUFFALO, N.Y. -- A police officer is caught on camera by a TV news camera person early Thanksgiving Day hitting a man with a baton.


 Now, that officer is off the job and suspended without pay.
Night stick in hand, Officer Corey Krug walks down a Buffalo street early Thanksgiving morning confronting a man about to get into a fight.


Other officers rush over as Krug tells the man on the ground to get up. The video shows Krug striking the man on the ground with his baton several times.
Those other officers are telling Krug he is being recorded on camera.
A news photographer with 7 Eyewitness News was on scene and documented the altercation. He was following police officers on the job when he saw Krug hitting the man and then letting him walk away.
"They're telling this guy to walk away, so apparently, he did nothing," said Daire Irwin, an attorney with the New York Civil Liberties Union.
He says in a situation like this, police officers would typically charge someone with a crime, but in this case, there was no arrest.
"I absolutely, categorically believe his civil rights were violated," Irwin said.
After 7 Eyewitness News showed the tape to Buffalo Police Commissioner Dan Derenda, Krug was suspended indefinitely without pay.
Derenda says he's reached out to both the FBI and the US Attorney's Office for a possible investigation into civil rights violations.
The police department is also doing its own investigation.
"I really can't comment on an internal investigation,” Derenda said. “What I will say is as it has shown, this administration takes inappropriate behavior very seriously and appropriate action was taken in each and every case."
7 Eyewitness News reports that Krug joins a list of at least 15 Buffalo police officers who have been charged, convicted or suspended since 2012.
The latest was Officer John Cirruli, who was convicted on civil rights violations after being caught on camera in April hitting and kicking John Willett.
Last year, Krug was named in a federal civil rights lawsuit from a 2010 arrest.
It's unclear where that case stands in federal court.
We've also discovered from a police source, Corey Krug is a relative of Officer Raymond Krug, who was charged with federal civil rights violations from a 2009 arrest.

"The vast majority of officers do the right thing each and every day,” Derenda said. “When officers don't do the right thing across the line, there's consequences, as we've shown in the past, we do what we have to do to take necessary action."

Salem detective suspended pending federal investigation



By Jeff Sturgeon jeff.sturgeon@roanoke.com 981-3251 
The city of Salem revealed Monday morning that a Salem police detective assigned to a federal drug task force was suspended without pay two months ago and is the subject of a federal investigation.
The reason for the investigation has not been made public.
Salem spokesman Mike Stevens said the officer, whom Stevens declined to name, was suspended without pay Oct. 10 in connection with an FBI probe.
Before the suspension, the officer had been assigned for the last five years to a local U.S. Drug Enforcement Administration task force. The officer worked in the task force’s Roanoke office, Stevens said.
Steven’s statement indicated that the case may be in a preliminary phase and hasn’t yet gone to court.
Stevens said the officer’s suspension would be subject to further review and revision “at the conclusion of this officer’s court proceedings.”
Salem Police Chief Tim Guthrie declined to comment, except to say the officer’s situation is a personnel matt


Beyond cameras and training — here are 5 more ways to improve police oversight



 Even if I were not a political scientist who understood both the importance of what police officers do every day and the dangers they face in their job, I would have a very personal reason for appreciating their work. Years ago, police officers put their bodies on the line to protect my father, when he was a justice of the peace in upstate New York.
So like most Americans, I'm not inclined to criticize police officers who use force to protect themselves and others.
At the same time, the deaths of Michael Brown, Tamir Rice, and Eric Garner remind us that sometimes police officers use deadly force in questionable circumstances. And there is dramatic statistical evidence that institutional racism plays a role in who is killed by the police — black men die at disproportionate rates. But very rarely are police officers held accountable for what they do.
They should be.
We need a criminal trial
I reach that conclusion not because I know all the details of these three cases — but, rather, because I do not. None of us does, for the very simple reason that the evidence in these cases has not been brought forward and tested in public, by the process we believe best enables us to get the truth, a criminal trial. In the Brown and Garner deaths, a grand jury declined to indict the police officers involved. We are still waiting to see what happens in the Rice case.
I don't think police officers should be indicted in these cases because I think they are guilty. I don't know if they're guilty. An indictment is not a judgment of guilt. Someone indicted is still innocent until proven guilty in a trial. I think they should be indicted both so that justice is done in the individual cases and because it is critically important to hold the police accountable for their actions, both for the public that relies on the police, and for the overwhelming majority of police officers who do their job well and want the rest to be held to the same standard.
There are a number of ways to reduce unwarranted police shootings. It appears that new training programs in Philadelphia have reduced them dramatically. Such programs should be broadly adopted.
And putting video cameras on police officers is an idea that has merit as well — even if, as we saw in the Garner case, the meaning of a video is subject to dispute.
But neither training the police to do well nor watching what they do is enough. It's a settled principle of American Constitutionalism, and implicit in our practices — not just in politics but in business, medicine, education and other fields — that the best way to insure that people do the right thing to institute some form of oversight or check on their misbehavior.
The criminal justice system is the appropriate oversight when people are killed. It is for civilians. It should be for the police. But it is not today.
How can we make it effective? Here are five suggestions
1. Appoint special prosecutors to investigate police killings.
We have ample evidence that even the best district attorneys need to be concerned about protecting their relationship with the police, without whom they cannot do their jobs. They are thus very much disinclined to do what they usually do before a grand jury, which is to make a case for an indictment. So let's take them out of this difficult situation and let a specially appointed attorney investigate deaths at the hands of the police.
I would suggest that judges — say the president judge of Common Pleas Court in Philadelphia — be empowered to recruit a pool of lawyers with extensive experience to serve as special prosecutors and that they then be chosen at random to investigate particular cases as they arise.
2. Give special prosecutors adequate resources.
Special prosecutors need a guarantee that they will have the resources and tools needed to carry out a thorough investigation. Perhaps the state police should be empowered to take the place of local police forces.
3. Make the grand jury proceedings public.
All of these cases should come before a specially empaneled grand jury that holds its sessions in public. Private grand juries allow selected and unbalanced evidence to be leaked. Unlike most criminal cases, the names of the police officers under investigation are already public. So there is no reason to hold these sessions in private, except in the rare situation when this is the only way to secure testimony. Public sessions will enable the media and public to evaluate whether the DA is making a proper case.
4. Empower the families of the deceased.
Resources should be provided to the family of those killed by the police sothey can make some kind of legal pleading at the grand jury.
5. The public should pay for the proceedings.
The legal fees of those police officers investigated by the special prosecutor and brought to trial should be paid by the public. And while they should not be allowed to act as police officers during their trial, they should continue to be paid until it is over.
The point of these new procedures is not to create an investigation or trial biased against the police. That would be as unfair to the police and as dangerous to the public as the current situation. The point is to create the oversight that, along with better training and video recordings, can restore confidence in the police among a public that very much needs to work with law enforcement in order to keep our communities safe.
Marc Stier is a writer and political activist from Mt. Airy. He’s finishing a book titled “Civilization and Its Contents: Reflections on Sexuality and the Culture Wars."



Police oversight bill headed to Obama


By Ramsey Cox

The Senate passed a bill Wednesday to investigate the deaths of people being held under police custody.
H.R. 1447, the Death in Custody Reporting Act, would require states receiving some federal funds to report to the U.S. attorney general every quarter on whether any person arrested or detained died while in police custody.
The bill, which comes after several unarmed African-American men have been killed by local law enforcement, would also require the attorney general to study how it could reduce the number of deaths that occur under police custody.

The House passed the measure by voice vote last year. The Senate passed it through a unanimous consent agreement, meaning it now heads to President Obama’s desk for him to sign it into law.

Across The Country, Police Brutality Cases On Many Minds



New Yorkers talk about the Eric Garner case, other cases of police brutality, and how these divisive issues affect their sense of self and of citizenship.
2014 NPR.

MELISSA BLOCK, HOST:
Recent deaths at the hands of police have raised lots of anguished questions about where we are as a country on issues of race and police relations. We asked locals and tourists in New York City today what they're thinking and whether this changes how they think about the country.

CHRISTIAN PARKER: It doesn't really change my viewpoint on America at all. Like, this still the country that I live in. New York is still the city I live in. Like, I'm from here. I was born here, so it's not going to change my idea about America at all. But I know it does change other people's opinions. I know some people are like, oh, let's riot, let's do this, let's do that. But, in my opinion, there's no need for it.

ALYCE ANGLER: Yeah, I feel like we're definitely on the decline and not on the upwards of being united. I feel like we're on the decline of being - we're not a country anymore. We're islands living together on one continent.

LISA NORRIS: As far as what happened in - on Staten Island, I do believe the police officer probably took it a little out of hand. But I don't think you should look at the color of the people. You should look at the event and not so much if you're black or white or - I don't think that should matter.

ZOE CHACE, BYLINE: So when people say, oh, there's a pattern of shooting young black men in this country, you don't really buy that.

NORRIS: Maybe the black men shouldn't be in the situation that they get shot.

CARRIE GARCIA: I remember seeing separate water fountains for blacks and for whites when I was a child. And, well, we don't have separate water fountains. Maybe we have separate systems of justice.

RICO RODRIGUEZ: A lot of stuff happens in America. So it's like - it's not in my power to change it. I can't do it by myself alone. But I got to - it's got to be a whole society of people. And then there's another story for them to actually listen to us.


BLOCK: We heard there from Christian Parker (ph), Alyce Angler (ph), Lisa Norris (ph), Carrie Garcia (ph) and Rico Rodriguez (ph). They spoke in New York to NPR's Zoe Chace.


UN panel slams US for police brutality, torture, botched executions


A UN report has condemned the United States for violating the terms of an international anti-torture treaty. The panel took Washington to task for police brutality, military interrogations, and capital punishment protocols.
“The Committee is concerned about numerous reports of police brutality and excessive use of force by law enforcement officials,” the paper released by the UN Committee Against Torture says, adding that in particular this brutality is seen against persons belonging “to certain racial and ethnic groups, immigrants and LGBTI individuals.”
The document was released on Friday, just days after the contentious decision of a Missouri grand jury not to indict a white officer accused of shooting Michael Brown, an unarmed black teen. The decision triggered a wave of protests nationwide.
Although the report didn’t specifically mention the events in Ferguson, Mike Brown’s parents met with the committee to discuss their son’s case in Geneva earlier this month.
 The UN watchdog expressed “deep concern at the frequent and recurrent police shootings or fatal pursuits of unarmed black individuals.”
The 10-person panel, which periodically reviews the records of the 156 countries which ratified the Convention Against Torture – a non-binding international human rights treaty – cited mounting concerns over “racial profiling by police and immigration offices, and growing militarization of policing activities.” f the "
 The committee called on US authorities to “prosecute persons suspected of torture or ill-treatment and, if found guilty, ensure that they are punished in accordance with the gravity of their acts.”
“We recommend that all instances of police brutality and excessive use of force by law enforcement officers are investigated promptly, effectively and impartially by an independent mechanism,” said panel member, Alessio Bruni, at a news conference in Geneva.
Urging for tougher laws to define and ban torture, the committee called on Washington to reevaluate the treatment of detainees at the infamous Guantanamo Bay detention facility, which currently houses 148 prisoners.
“The Committee is particularly disturbed at reports describing a draconian system of secrecy surrounding high-value detainees that keeps their torture claims out of the public domain.”
In addition, the committee criticized the recent spate of botched executions, especially in Arizona, Oklahoma, and Ohio, citing reported cases “of excruciating pain and prolonged suffering that procedural irregularities have caused to condemned prisoners in the course of their execution.”
The UN body further highlighted “continued delays in recourse procedures which keep prisoners sentenced to death in a situation of anguish and incertitude for many years.”
“The Committee notes that in certain cases such a situation amounts to torture in so far as it corresponds to one of the forms of torture (i.e. the threat of imminent death) contained in the interpretative understanding made by the State party at the time of ratification of the Convention.”
The report urges US authorities to establish “a moratorium on executions with a view to abolish the death penalty” and “to commute the sentences of individuals currently on death row.”
US activists welcomed the findings as a call to action for the federal government.

“This report - along with the voices of Americans protesting around the country this week - is a wake-up call for police who think they can act with impunity,” said Jamil Dakwar of the American Civil Liberties Union (ACLU), as quoted by Reuters. 



This is the future problem America will have with its cops (that and "lost" cameras)

Oakland cops disciplined 24 times for failing to turn on body-worn cameras

Punishments ranged from "written reprimand" to suspensions of a few days.
OAKLAND, Calif.—Over the last two years, the Oakland Police Department (OPD) has disciplined police officers on 24 occasions for disabling or failing to activate body-worn cameras, newly released public records show. The City of Oakland did not provide any records prior to 2013, and the OPD did not immediately respond to Ars’ request for comment.
The records show that on November 8, 2013 one officer was terminated after failing to activate his camera. Less than two weeks later, another resigned for improperly removing the camera from his or her uniform. However, most officers received minor discipline in comparison.
Obama wants to buy 50,000 body cams for police, monitor military gear handouts
An extra $263 million in funding would be used toward training cops to use the tech.
The OPD has used Portable Digital Recording Devices (PDRDs) since late 2010. According to the department's own policy, patrol officers are required to wear the cameras during a number of outlined situations, including detentions, arrests, and serving a warrant. At present, the city has about 700 officers.
This year the issue of body-worn cameras on police officers came to the fore after the tragic killings of Michael Brown in Ferguson, Missouri, and Eric Garner in New York City at the hands of local cops. In the aftermath of grand jury decisions to not indict the officers responsible, the Obama administration released a review of how local law enforcement agencies use equipment, proposing that the federal government spend $263 million over three years to "expand training for law enforcement agencies (LEAs)" and "add more resources for police department reform." The review included a proposal to dedicate $75 million over three years to buy up to 50,000 body cameras for local LEAs.
Because body-worn cameras are still relatively new, there aren't any published studies on rates of non-compliance, according to John DeCarlo, a professor at the John Jay College of Criminal Justice and the former chief of police of Branford, Connecticut.
"You may have a legitimate excuse [for not turning it on], but if it was nefarious, that's a different story," DeCarlo told Ars.
What happened on November 22, 2013?
In Oakland, the cameras were acquired largely as the result of a federal lawsuit alleging abuse by four officers known as "The Riders." In 2003, the City of Oakland and the OPD agreed with the plaintiffs to a settlement, which required the authorities to pay more than $10 million in fines and impose numerous reforms. The four officers were subsequently fired from the OPD, although one remains a federal fugitive after fleeing to Mexico. None of the other three officers were convicted.
Promises to get data retention, privacy policies in place later.
The new data shows that the most common punishment for officers who did not comply with their own department’s policy was a "written reprimand" or a suspension of one to three days. One officer was even suspended for 20 days in December 2013 due to an allegation of failing to activate his body-worn camera.
On November 22, 2013, there were five separate incidents where officers allegedly "improperly removed" or "failed to initiate their PDRD." One of those officers, none of whom were named, appears to have resigned as a result of the incident. Ars has filed another public records request to learn more about these incidents.
Watching the watchers
As a result of the city’s settlement in the Riders case (formally known as the Negotiated Settlement Agreement), an independent monitor is required to prepare a quarterly report detailing the OPD’s compliance record. Its most recent report, dated October 30, 2014, notes that in three cases, PDRD "recordings directly contradicted" statements made by witness or complainants against OPD officers.
However the report added:
During our last review, we found that there were no cases in which the failure to activate a PDRD went unaddressed. There was one case, however, in which the discipline was sufficient but follow-up was needed. In that case the officer had failed to activate his PDRD on three separate occasions. While we felt that the discipline imposed was adequate, we commented that the officer’s supervisor should more closely monitor his activities. A key responsibility of sergeants is to ensure that the officers they are supervising are complying with OPD policies. In the future, the supervisor could easily compare and review the officer’s activities with his PDRD recordings to ensure that he is in compliance with OPD policies. An additional benefit of review of PDRD recordings would be that the sergeant would be able to evaluate the officer’s tactics and interactions with citizens. We learned that OPD has followed up with this officer to ensure that he remains in compliance with the PDRD policy. His current supervisor conducts monthly audits of his PDRD use and submits audit forms up his chain of command.

On November 18, 2014, OPD supervisors were reminded that they are required under department policy to conduct random reviews of PDRD footage.

Cops use taser on woman while she recorded arrest of another man

"You a dumb bitch," video captures cop saying after yanking victim from car.

by David Kravets – 

A 36-year-old Baltimore woman claims she was tased by police and arrested while filming the arrest of a man with her mobile phone, according to a lawsuit to be served on the Baltimore City Police Department as early as Thursday.


Video of the March 30 melee surfaced online this week. Police erased the 135-second recording from the woman's phone, but it was recovered from her cloud account, according to the Circuit Court for Baltimore City lawsuit (PDF), which seeks $7 million.
Kianga Mwamba was driving home from a family gathering in March. Stopped in traffic, she began filming the nearby arrest of a man who she says was kicked by police.
"You telling me I can't record," the woman says on the video as police tell her to move on.
"I'll park. I'll park. I'll park," the woman is heard saying in her own recording.
All of a sudden an officer says, "Out of the car. Out of the car."
She was yanked out. "He burning me. He burning me," the woman is heard screaming.
The lawsuit comes as at least one state, Illinois, moves to ban the recording of the police amid calls across the nation for cops to be equipped with body cameras to help prevent future police scuffles resulting in deaths. President Barack Obama has also weighed in on the issue, announcing last week that the administration would provide $75 million in funding to police departments to purchase body cameras. Even before Obama's announcement, local police departments were gobbling them up as fast as they could in the aftermath of the Ferguson, Missouri death of Michael Brown.
Mwamba was arrested on charges of assault for allegedly trying to run over two officers. Charges were dropped, and she suffered cuts and bruises.
At the end of the tape, an officer says, "You a dumb bitch, you know that?"
"What did I do?" she asks.
"You just tried to run over an officer," the officer responds.
While in custody, she gave her phone to an officer to show the video that she didn't try to run over anybody. The video was allegedly erased from the phone in what her attorney, Joshua Insley, described in a telephone interview as a "coverup."
The police department said in a statement that the language the officer used was "both offensive and unacceptable."
"The video does not capture enough information to draw definitive conclusions about what transpired before, during, and after the arrest," the department said. "What is clear is that the language used is unacceptable and will not be tolerated."
The suit, filed last week, said the police "attacked" the woman, "dragged" her from her vehicle, and "threw her onto the street, handcuffed her, tasered her, called her a 'dumb bitch,' and kept her restrained."
The suit says the officers arrested Mwamba and "threw her face-down on the street" to "prevent the disclosure of the video taken of them beating a handcuffed man."
That handcuffed man was 27-year-old Cordell Bruce, who faces assault charges on allegations of striking an officer outside a nightclub—charges Bruce denies. The video does not capture him being beaten by police.

In Brooklyn Gun Cases, Suspicion Turns to the Police



The tip comes from a confidential informer: Someone has a gun. Ten or more minutes later, police officers find a man matching the informer’s detailed description at the reported location. A gun is discovered; an arrest is made.
That narrative describes how Jeffrey Herring was arrested last year by police officers in the 67th Precinct in East Flatbush, Brooklyn. It also describes the arrests of at least two other men, Eugene Moore and John Hooper, by some of the same officers.
The suspects said the guns were planted by the police.
There were other similarities: Each gun was found in a plastic bag or a handkerchief, with no traces of the suspect’s fingerprints. Prosecutors and the police did not mention a confidential informer until months after the arrests. None of the informers have come forward, even when defense lawyers and judges have requested they appear in court.
Taken individually, the cases seem to be routine examples of differences between the police account of an arrest and that of the person arrested. But taken together, the cases — along with other gun arrests made in the precinct by these officers — suggest a pattern of questionable police conduct and tactics.
Mr. Moore’s case has already been dismissed; a judge questioned the credibility of one of the officers, Detective Gregory Jean-Baptiste, saying he was “extremely evasive” on the witness stand.
Mr. Hooper spent a year in jail awaiting trial, eventually pleading guilty and agreeing to a sentence of time served after the judge in his case called the police version of events “incredible.”
In another example, Lt. Edward Babington, one of the four officers in Mr. Herring’s case, was involved in a federal gun case that was later dismissed and led to a $115,000 settlement. In that case, a federal judge said she believed that the “officers perjured themselves.”
Debora Silberman, a public defender at Brooklyn Defender Services, has been fighting Mr. Herring’s arrest, filing a two-inch-thick motion detailing the problems with his case and the similarities to others.
On Thursday, after inquiries from The New York Times, prosecutors said that they were re-evaluating the case.
Ms. Silberman said she had always believed Mr. Herring. “Nothing in his story has ever changed,” she said.

Claims of Fabrication
She and another defense lawyer, Scott Hechinger, have suggested in court papers that a group of officers invents criminal informers, and may be motivated to make false arrests to help satisfy department goals or quotas. They also question whether the police are collecting the $1,000 rewards offered to informers from Operation Gun Stop, especially in cases where the informers never materialize.
Deputy Chief Kim Y. Royster, a spokeswoman for the Police Department, said investigators from the Internal Affairs Bureau were looking at the officers’ conduct in these cases. “Any allegations that are made in regards to the credibility” of the officers “are taken very seriously,” she said, adding that programs like Gun Stop protected the anonymity of informers, and that there were layers of oversight “to ensure that the integrity of the program is solid.”
While the individual officers declined to comment or did not respond to requests for comment, spokesmen for their unions noted that this group had removed more than 300 guns from the streets and the cases were solid.
Mr. Herring was standing outside his apartment on the afternoon of June 4, 2013, next to his bike, when, the police said, he reached into a white plastic bag and removed a gun, putting it in a black plastic bag. He tossed that bag in the bushes — the entire sequence witnessed by a plainclothes officer, the police said.
Mr. Herring said he had been running errands, making stops at C-Town, Bargain Land and a dollar store. When the police told him he was being arrested for gun possession, he said, he was shocked.
Mr. Herring, 52, had been arrested three other times, twice for drugs and once for burglary; he had not been arrested again until this gun case, records show. He said that he had not used drugs since 1997, and that he most certainly did not have a gun when he was arrested in 2013.
“I’m in front of the building,” he said, questioning the police’s account, “waving a gun like some maniac?”
Ms. Silberman first learned of potential problems with the officers’ credibility when prosecutors in Mr. Herring’s case disclosed that testimony by Detective Jean-Baptiste had been challenged by a judge in an evidence-suppression hearing on a gun case in 2013.
Ms. Silberman called the defense lawyer in that case, Jeffrey Chabrowe, and was surprised to hear how similar the cases were.
Mr. Chabrowe’s client, Eugene Moore, had been arrested on a gun possession charge by Detective Jean-Baptiste, who is now retired, and Sgt. Vassilios Aidiniou. Those officers, along with Lieutenant Babington and Officer Jean Gaillard, participated in Mr. Herring’s arrest.
Like Mr. Herring, Mr. Moore had been standing next to a bike in the afternoon, the police said, and had stored a gun in a white plastic bag underneath containers of takeout food. There was also a criminal informer involved, the police said.
Mr. Moore, who could not afford bail, spent a year in jail before an October 2013 hearing on the case. At that hearing, Detective Jean-Baptiste said the informer had told the police that “they were with someone” with a gun in a white plastic bag, on bikes, heading toward Rutland Road and Rockaway Parkway.
Police officers arrived about 20 minutes later, and — even though the suspected gunman was supposed to be bicycling — they found Mr. Moore standing at the same intersection, next to a bicycle with a white bag on the handlebars.
Detective Jean-Baptiste went on to give conflicting testimony about the informer and the circumstances of the arrest. Justice William Harrington of State Supreme Court in Brooklyn called the detective “extremely evasive” and said he did not find him “to be credible.” The judge suppressed the gun evidence, and Mr. Moore’s case was dismissed and sealed.

The Same Officers
Ms. Silberman then found another case involving Lieutenant Babington, Detective Jean-Baptiste and Sergeant Aidiniou, handled by a colleague at Brooklyn Defender Services, Renee Seman.
In that case, Mr. Hooper was standing on the street when Detective Jean-Baptiste, in plainclothes, approached from behind, tipped off, the police said, by an informer. At that very moment, the police said, Mr. Hooper reached into his pocket, took out a gun wrapped in a red bandanna and threw it in the trash.
Prosecutors declined to bring the confidential informer in that case to court, so a hearing was held to determine if the officer’s observations sufficed as probable cause for the arrest. In that hearing, in State Supreme Court in Brooklyn, Detective Jean-Baptiste described how he had first seen a bulge in the shape of a gun in the defendant’s pocket, even as he acknowledged that he was a car-length away and that the defendant was wearing a long shirt and baggy pants.
“Supposedly this defendant doesn’t see the police coming, but elects out of nowhere to take the object out of his pants pocket and dump it in a garbage can?” Justice Guy J. Mangano said. “I find it incredible that they thought it was a gun.”
Before Justice Mangano made a decision in the case, the district attorney offered Mr. Hooper a plea deal for time served — he had spent almost a year in jail — and Mr. Hooper agreed.
Other questionable cases arose.
In 2007, federal prosecutors brought a case against Terry Cross, who was arrested after the police saw him in the backyard of a house where drug dealing was suspected. Officers found a gun in a gray plastic bag near where Mr. Cross was standing, as well as marijuana, the police said. Gun and drug charges were filed.

In that case, too, there was a confidential informer, the police said, and the defendant asked prosecutors to bring that person to court. Prosecutors opposed the motion, and later said the informer had died


New York Attorney General Seeks Powers to Investigate Killings by the Police


By JESSE McKINLEY and J. DAVID GOODMAN
ALBANY — Attorney General Eric T. Schneiderman of New York asked Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo on Monday to immediately grant his office the power to investigate and prosecute killings of unarmed civilians by law enforcement officials.
Mr. Schneiderman also challenged state legislators to pass new laws to repair public confidence in the criminal justice system, which he said was badly damaged after grand juries in Missouri and on Staten Island declined to bring criminal charges against officers in fatal encounters with unarmed black men.
But he seemed unwilling to wait for new powers to investigate the police in the event that another killing occurred before new laws were passed. “When the trust between the police and the communities they serve and protect breaks down, everyone is at risk,” he said.
The grand jury’s decision not to indict in the case of Eric Garner, who died after a police chokehold during an arrest on Staten Island in July, has renewed and strengthened calls for special prosecutors to handle such cases.
While Mr. Schneiderman was joined by local and state political leaders during his announcement in Manhattan, the prospects for quick legislative or executive action seem murky at best.
While the Assembly, dominated by Democrats, has passed bills in the past allowing the attorney general to investigate and prosecute alleged police misconduct, similar measures have failed to advance in the Senate, where Republicans were recently elected to a clear majority. On Monday, Scott Reif, a spokesman for the Senate Republican leader, Dean G. Sklelos of Long Island, had no immediate comment on the attorney general’s proposal.
The governor’s office also had a measured response to the attorney general, who has had an often chilly relationship with Mr. Cuomo. In a statement, Melissa DeRosa, Mr. Cuomo’s communications director, said the attorney general’s proposal was being reviewed, even as the governor pursued a “broader approach that seeks to ensure equality and fairness in our justice system.”
The proposal received immediate pushback from police unions and several district attorneys in New York City, particularly in Brooklyn, where a grand jury will soon be impaneled to hear evidence in the fatal shooting of an unarmed man by an officer patrolling with his gun drawn.
Describing himself as “adamantly opposed,” the Brooklyn district attorney, Kenneth P. Thompson, said in a statement that the voters elected him “to keep them safe from all crimes, including those of police brutality.”
District attorneys in the Bronx and Queens also defended their ability to prosecute cases involving police officers, while the Manhattan district attorney has said, in general, he would remain open to discussing the idea but has expressed reservations about special prosecutors’ lack of accountability.
A spokesman for the Staten Island district attorney, whose office presented Mr. Garner’s death to a grand jury but did not secure an indictment, declined to comment.
Michael J. Palladino, president of the detectives’ union, said the attorney general’s proposal “insulted the intelligence and the integrity of the grand jurors who examined the facts” on Staten Island.
Calls for special prosecutors have often followed fatal police encounters, particularly from relatives of the victims who believe that the close working relationship between local prosecutors and the police prevents them from robustly presenting cases against officers accused of wrongdoing on the job. The calls, however, are seldom answered.
The family of Sean Bell, killed in a volley of 50 police bullets in 2006, urged the state to appoint a special prosecutor to investigate the officers. None was appointed. The Queens district attorney secured an indictment against three detectives involved in the shooting, but they were acquitted after a trial on charges of manslaughter, assault and reckless endangerment.
The debate over the police and prosecutors seems more likely to percolate through the next legislative session and Mr. Cuomo’s second term, both of which begin in January. Senate Democrats planned to meet in Albany this week, and late Monday introduced legislation to create an Office of Special Investigation within the state attorney general’s office, which would “investigate any criminal offense or offenses committed by a police officer” that results in the death of an unarmed civilian.


Former Putnam County's Sheriff's Deputy Sentenced for Civil Rights Violations


Deputy Used Excessive Force on Two Occasions While on Duty
U.S. Attorney’s Office December 04, 2014  
Southern District of Indiana (317) 226-6333

 TERRE HAUTE—Acting United States Attorney Josh J. Minkler announced this afternoon the sentencing of Terry Joe Smith, a/k/a T.J., age 38, of Greencastle, Indiana. Smith who served as a deputy with the Putnam County Sheriff’s Department was sentenced to 14 months by U.S. District Judge William T. Lawrence. Smith was found guilty after a jury trial in September of this year on two counts of deprivation of civil rights under color of law.
“The public has a right to expect better from their law enforcement officers,” said Minkler. “It is certainly a tragedy when a law enforcement officer with a family choses to violate the civil rights of our citizens, but it would be a far greater tragedy if T.J. Smith was not held fully accountable for his unlawful use of force in this case.”
Testimony at trial indicated that Smith used excessive force against citizens on two occasions in his capacity as a Putnam County Sheriff’s Deputy. These incidents occurred on West Stardust Road and at the Lazy Acres trailer park in Greencastle.
On one occasion Smith punched a victim in the face after other officers had secured the victim resulting in serious bodily injury. The second offense occurred at the Lazy Acres Trailer Park in Greencastle when Smith threw a handcuffed person to the ground and drove his knee into that person’s back while lying on the ground.
Law enforcement officials are subject to criminal prosecution whenever evidence exists that they knowingly abuse their authority and deprive individuals of their constitutional rights. Such acts of misconduct, known as acts committed under “color of law,” include allegations of excessive force.
“The FBI will vigorously pursue law enforcement officers who violate their sacred duty to protect and serve,” said Special Agent in Charge W. Jay Abbott. “The vast majority of law enforcement officers serve bravely and with great integrity in the performance of their duties.”
Minkler praised the outstanding law enforcement work by the Federal Bureau of Investigation. The FBI is a leading partner in the U.S. Attorney’s Public Integrity Working Group, which was launched in April 2012 with the stated purpose of aggressively investigating allegations of public fraud, waste and abuse by public officials in Indiana.
According to Assistant United States Attorneys Bradley A. Blackington and MaryAnn T. Mindrum, who prosecuted the case for the government, Smith will serve two years of supervised release after his sentence.