and he'll get away with it too
An undercover prostitution
operation conducted by the Columbia Police Department resulted in the arrests
of 10 men, including the police chief of the Winnsboro Department of Public
Safety.
CPD officers say the Organized
Crime and Narcotics Unit, along with North and Metro Regions Community Response
Teams, conducted the operation Friday at a hotel in the Greystone Boulevard
area.
WIS is told Freddie Lorick Sr.
identified himself to officers during the arrest as being the police chief of
the Winnsboro Department of Public Safety. Lorick requested medical attention
during the arrests and was transported by EMS to a local hospital.
Officers say the men arrested
ranged in age from 29 to 59 years old. All of the men were charged with
soliciting for prostitution and one of the men was hit with an extra charge of
cocaine possession.
JOHN OLIVER SAYS POLICE ARE BEING HELD ACCOUNTABLE EVEN LESS THAN WE REALIZE
BY RYAN BORT
CULTUREJOHN OLIVERLAST WEEK
TONIGHT
John Oliver is no stranger to law
enforcement...or at least not to covering it on Last Week Tonight. Most
recently, he delved into why police are so rarely held accountable for their
actions, after earlier taking on civil forfeiture, police militarization,
municipal violations and mandatory minimum prison sentences.
While there have been thousands
of fatal police shootings since 2005, only 77 officers were charged with murder
or manslaughter in that time, and only 26 were convicted. The numbers are
staggering, but just as astonishing is how difficult it is to ascertain these
sorts of statistics. In 2015, FBI Director James Comey spoke of the lack of
information available about our police. "We don't have data," he said
at an FBI oversight committee hearing. "People have data about who went to
a movie last weekend or how many books were sold or how many cases of the flu
walked into an emergency room, and I cannot tell you how many people were shot
by police in the United States last month, last year or anything about the
demographics."
Who does track statistics on
police misconduct? According to Oliver, it's a researcher named Philip Stinson,
who accumulated data by setting up 48 Google alerts in 2005.
Police simply aren't held
accountable for their actions the way others with jobs of such high importance
are scrutinized. As Oliver explained Sunday night, there are several reasons
for this. One is that police misconduct is typically investigated internally,
by other police officers, which could be considered something of a conflict of
interest. You want examples?
The Department of Justice
reported that in Cleveland, "investigators told us that they intentionally
cast an officer in the best light possible when investigating the officer’s use
of deadly force." In Miami, an investigation took so long, “at least
two…officers shot and killed a suspect while still under investigation for a
previous [shooting].” In Baltimore, an officer who reported misconduct was
relentlessly harassed by his fellow officers, to the point where they weren't
even sending him backup when he requested it. They also left pictures of cheese
on his desk and a dead rat on his windshield.
It is also remarkably easy for
officers to wipe clean any evidence of previous misconduct, and to do so
legally. In some precincts, records can be thrown out after a certain amount of
time elapses. A Mesa, Arizona police chief even instructed his officers to
“purge your files according to policy." As Oliver notes, "This seems
wrong."
Basically, the system is far more
insular than it should be, and it is designed to protect police officers from
themselves. The justice system only bolsters their relative immunity to
recourse. It is incredibly awkward for prosecutors to go after police officers,
because the former usually have close relationships with the latter, relying on
them to give advice and analyze evidence. If a case against an officer ever
does go to trial, which is very rare, the juries are predisposed to give
officers the benefit of the doubt. Despite recent events, it's difficult for
anyone to override the idea that police officers are trustworthy figures on a
noble pursuit to protect and serve.
Again, out of thousands of fatal
police shootings, only 77 officers went to trial and only 26 were convicted.
So what can be done? Body
cameras, for one. As Oliver points out, police in Rialto, California, saw
complaints against officers fall 88 percent and use of force fall 60 percent
after one year of using body cameras. They have been so successful, in fact,
that officers in Baltimore were reluctant to hand them in after a trial run
came to an end. As Oliver says, “These cops aren’t M. Night Shyamalan. If they
plead with you to let them have a camera again, you should give it to them.”
Other options to heighten
accountability that have been tested include forcing officers to file separate
reports when force is used and bringing in outside prosecutors. However it's
done, it is imperative that officers are held accountable for their actions. As
Oliver says, “A lack of trust in police accountability leads to a lack of trust
in police."
Not One New York Police Officer Has a Body Camera
By JOSEPH GOLDSTEIN
The New York Police Department
once seemed poised to be an early adopter of body cameras. A federal judge
thought the technology could curb unwarranted stops and searches of black and Hispanic
men. So in 2013, after finding the department’s stop-and-frisk practices
unconstitutional, the judge ordered that a pilot program be established in at
least five precincts.
Three years later, not one of the
department’s approximately 35,800 officers is wearing a body camera, even as
the devices have become a staple for officers elsewhere.
The Police Department says it is
committed to outfitting officers with body cameras, and on Monday said that a
company had been chosen to supply up to 5,000 over the next five years. But a
contract has yet to be signed, and a rollout of the cameras would not begin for
months.
The halting pace of its effort is
striking for an agency that has pledged to make itself a model of
technology-driven policing and a leader in improving police-community
relations.
Since the unrest in Ferguson, Mo.
and the deaths of Eric Garner on Staten Island and Walter Scott in South
Carolina, many police departments have moved to deploy the body-worn cameras.
Police forces in Chicago; Houston; Las Vegas; Los Angeles; Oakland, Calif.; and
Washington each have at least 500 officers wearing the devices.
The video can provide a useful,
if often incomplete, record of what occurred during arrests, violent encounters
or police shootings. Such footage, along with video captured on bystanders’
smartphones, and on the dashboard cameras in police vehicles in many
jurisdictions, is driving a debate — across the country and in the policing
profession itself — over whether some officers are too quick to open fire, and,
if so, why that might be the case.
The recent shooting of a black
man by the police in Charlotte, N.C.,portions of which were recorded by body
cameras, has brought renewed attention to the practices of police departments
when it comes to how, or even whether, they record their encounters with
civilians.
Envisioned as a tool to bolster
police accountability, body cameras have faced pockets of resistance, from both
police reform advocates and some law enforcement agencies and state
legislatures. Reform advocates have cautioned that cameras could provide the
police with new methods of surveillance that might erode personal privacy,
while some law enforcement agencies have balked at the cost of storing so much
data, and some states have added restrictions on public access to the footage.
In North Carolina, where the
Charlotte police initially declined to release footage of the recent shooting
of Keith Lamont Scott, a new law that went into effect this month limits
release of police camera footage to the general public.
The fatal shooting of Terence
Crutcher in Tulsa, Okla., was recorded by a police dashboard camera and a
camera in a police helicopter; footage from both was released to the public.
The officer who shot Mr. Crutcher has been charged with manslaughter.
The New York department conducted
a pilot program involving 54 officers that ended in March. J. Peter Donald, a
spokesman for the agency, said one of the lessons was that “we needed better
policy guidance and training for officers on body cameras.” The project,
however, did not even satisfy the federal court order calling for a robust
pilot program.
Even dashboard cameras, which
have become standard in many departments, are not used in the vast majority of
the New York Police Department’s patrol vehicles.
Police officials have attributed
the delays to the city’s procurement process and the department’s need to
carefully select the right equipment before proceeding on a larger scale.
Mayor Bill de Blasio, center,
with the New York City police commissioner, William J. Bratton, left, and the
city’s public advocate, Letitia James, announcing a pilot program putting
body-worn cameras on police officers in 2014. CreditOzier Muhammad/The New York
Times
At a news conference on Monday,
city officials announced that the company chosen to supply the 5,000 cameras is
Vievu L.L.C. of Seattle.
“There are still things that have
to be worked through,” Mayor Bill de Blasio said. “But I want to be very clear
that they are coming.”
The rules regarding what officers
record, and when, and who outside the department will have access to the
footage, have yet to be made final.
A member of the City Council’s
Public Safety Committee, Ritchie Torres, a Bronx Democrat, said he believed the
“glacial pace” reflected a lack of enthusiasm. “What do you expect to happen
when the N.Y.P.D. sets the terms and the pace of police reform?” Councilman
Torres said in an interview. “I have trouble imagining it’s for lack of
capacity,” he said of the delays. “I suspect it’s for lack of will.”
The mayor said the department has
been acting prudently. “We’ve been very, very clear about the complication and
the challenges of doing this in the biggest city in the country with the
biggest police force, by far, in the country,” Mr. de Blasio, a Democrat, said
at the news conference. “So we’re going be purposeful about getting it right.
Once we start down the road, we have to make sure that we are getting it
right.”
The timetable puts the New York
agency behind a number of other big city departments.
The Chicago Police Department has
2,000 body cameras in use. The Los Angeles Police Department has so far
deployed 1,160. In Charlotte, most of the police force is outfitted with body
cameras.
In New Jersey, the State Police
have a pilot program involving more than a 100 cameras, though many troopers
also have a dashboard camera in their cars. The Newark Police Department, which
was placed under federal supervision earlier this year after a Justice
Department investigation, is not using body-worn cameras.
New York City and New York State
have been slower than many jurisdictions in putting in place not only the use
of body cameras but also some other criminal justice reforms.
And when it comes to transparency
regarding officer misconduct, New York City is becoming more secretive. The
city has filed a legal appeal to prevent the release of a summary of
disciplinary records involving Daniel Pantaleo, the Staten Island officer who
applied the fatal chokehold to Mr. Garner in 2014. This year it stopped providing
reporters with notification of suspensions and other significant disciplinary
actions against officers.
The use of body-worn cameras by
the police, regarded as a novelty just a few years ago, has quickly grown in
acceptance.
The ubiquity of cellphone videos
taken of police encounters with the public helped convince departments that
they, too, should be recording. So has an aggressive marketing push by
companies that produce the body-worn cameras, particularly Taser International,
whose Axon brand cameras have, according to Taser, been bought by 3,500 police
agencies nationwide.
While body-worn cameras were
quickly hailed as a tool to foster police accountability, some civil rights
activists and technology experts say they are more concerned with the policies
that police departments develop regarding use of the cameras than the speed
with which officers start wearing them.
“I think the view has been
shifting,” said Harlan Yu, who works for Upturn, a technology consultancy, and
who was involved in the compilation of a comprehensive review of police
departments’ policies. “Many of the groups I work with don’t see body cameras
as a silver bullet for the problems we’re seeing in our communities when it
comes to policing.”
The devices raise privacy
questions. Among them: Should police officers keep recording inside homes,
where the expectation of privacy is greatest, along with the potential for
unwarranted intrusions?
Mr. Yu noted that very few
departments had policies that clearly provided a right to view any body camera
footage of a police encounter to those that allege misconduct. The departments
in Las Vegas and Washington were exceptions; both had clear procedures in place
for individuals to review footage pertaining to the police, he said.
Fairfax County approves independent auditor for police
Fairfax County approves
independent auditor for police
By Angela Woolsey/Fairfax County
Times
The Fairfax County Board of
Supervisors unanimously approved the establishment of an Office of Independent
Police Auditor during its Sept. 20 meeting.
One of 202 recommendations given
to the county by the Ad Hoc Police Practices Review Commission created by Board
of Supervisors Chairman Sharon Bulova in 2015, the independent police auditor
will be responsible for reviewing internal affairs investigations into use-of-force
incidents involving Fairfax County Police Department (FCPD) officers that
resulted in serious injury or death, or that were the subject of a public
complaint.
The auditor’s office can also
look into police department policies and practices. For example, the auditor
could investigate why a disproportionate number of incidents involve African
American citizens, according to the FCPD’s annual use-of-force survey.
“I’m very pleased that the board
supported the independent auditor,” Bulova said. “This program within the
county will provide independent oversight when there is a police-involved
incident. It provides assurance to the Board of Supervisors, but even more
importantly, to the public, that there’s an independent, objective look at how
things are being handled.”
The Board of Supervisors formed
the Ad Hoc Police Practices Review Commission on Mar. 3, 2015 in response to
community concerns about transparency and law enforcement’s use of force
following the 2013 shooting death of Springfield resident John Geer at the
hands of an FCPD officer.
Adam Torres, the officer involved
in that incident, was later fired and pled guilty to involuntary manslaughter
in Fairfax Circuit Court on Apr. 18.
In addition to use-of-force
practices, the ad hoc commission made recommendations concerning independent
oversight, communications, recruitment and vetting, and mental health and
crisis intervention team (CIT) training.
The commission delivered its
final report to the Board of Supervisors on Oct. 20, 2015.
Though the board’s approval of
the independent auditor recommendation was largely expected, the process of
getting the proposal from the ad hoc commission to the Board of Supervisors
required extensive discussions and some revisions.
For example, the ad hoc commission
suggested that the independent auditor have full access to the major crimes
division and internal affairs bureau (IAB) files for a case under
investigation.
The final recommendation brought
before the Board of Supervisors said that the auditor can request a copy of the
criminal investigation file through the chief of police upon the completion of
a criminal case or an announcement that the Commonwealth’s Attorney has
declined to prosecute. The auditor can monitor and review internal affairs
investigations and have access to the bureau’s files from the beginning of any
such investigation.
The recommendation ultimately
approved by the Board of Supervisors eliminated an initial requirement of a
term between two and five years for the auditor.
It also clarified that the
auditor will review internal affairs bureau investigations, rather than
participating in them, and that if the auditor finds deficiencies in a
particular investigation, they recommend further investigation that will
“absent good cause be conducted by IAB or other police department investigating
authority.”
The commission’s original
recommendation gave the auditor authority to conduct any such further
investigation.
The other proposed revisions to
the commission’s report regarding an independent auditor can be found in the
Board of Supervisor’s Sept. 20 meeting agenda.
During the board’s discussion of
the recommendation, Braddock District Supervisor John Cook, who chairs the
board’s public safety committee, noted that the approved document can still be
amended in the future, since it isn’t an ordinance or a land use case.
“We can change, amend, add as
circumstances warrant,” Cook said.
Springfield District Supervisor
Pat Herrity proposed an amendment to Cook’s motion to use reserve funding from
the ad hoc commission to create two additional positions within the FCPD
internal affairs bureau instead of waiting until Fiscal Year 2018 to supplement
the department’s investigative work.
Sully District Supervisor Kathy
Smith seconded Herrity’s motion to consider an amendment, but it ultimately
failed by a 2-8 vote, with Smith and Herrity recording the two affirmative
votes.
The board passed Cook’s main
motion by a unanimous vote.
When reached for comment, FCPD
Second Lt. Brian Gaydos said through the department’s public affairs bureau
that the Chief of Police’s Office “is not releasing any official opinion on the
auditor’s office at this time.”
Now that the Office of
Independent Police Auditor has been officially created, the Board of
Supervisors will launch a job search for a person to fill the auditor position.
According to Bulova, the main
position’s requirement is a familiarity with public safety and law enforcement
that would give the auditor professional expertise in handling an
investigation. However, the auditor can’t be a current or former employee of
Fairfax County, ruling out anyone who has worked for the FCPD.
The job description initially
required that applicants be attorneys and members of the Virginia State Bar,
but that qualification was removed.
“We felt that putting that
requirement in there could possibly eliminate qualified individuals,” Fairfax
County NAACP president Shirley Ginwright said. “We don’t want to eliminate
people based on criteria that have nothing to do with the job.”
In addition to leading Fairfax
County’s branch of the NAACP, Ginwright serves as chair for the Fairfax County
Communities of Trust Committee, a citizen group that works with the county and
law enforcement to improve relations between police and the public.
The Board of Supervisors public
safety committee will discuss the possibility of creating a civilian review
panel that would work in conjunction with the Office of Independent Police
Auditor at its next meeting, which is scheduled for 1:00 p.m. on Oct. 25.
Like the independent auditor
position, the civilian review panel was recommended by the ad hoc commission’s
independent oversight and investigations subcommittee.
Ginwright says that, if the Board
of Supervisors ultimately approves a civilian review panel, it should include
black and Hispanic people in particular, since they enter the criminal justice
system at rates disproportionate to their overall population size.
“It’s important that
diversity is around the table and we do not have a panel [where] everybody on
the panel looks alike,” Ginwright said. “We have that too much in committees
and panels now, and I think that’s why we don’t get a lot of things done,
because the voices that should be representing our minority communities aren’t
therecops as sexual predators ...its an everyday thing
Ex-Tenn. cop accused of sexually
assaulting women during traffic stops
NASHVILLE, Tenn. -- A former
Spring Hill, Tennessee police officer has been indicted on sex-related charges
that allegedly occurred while he was on duty.
The Tennessee Bureau of
Investigation said that a Maury County grand jury on Monday returned
indictments charging 26-year-old Christopher Patrick Odom with rape, sexual
battery and two counts of official misconduct.
The agency said it began
investigating Odom on Aug. 1. A TBI news release said that Odom is accused of
initiating sexual contact with one woman during a traffic stop in June and
another woman during a stop in July.
The TBI said Odom was arrested
Monday and jailed on $75,000 bond, but online records indicated he had been
released. There was no information about an attorney for Odom who could comment
on the case.
Odom was fired by the Spring Hill
Police Department as a result of the investigation’s findings, reports CBS
affiliate WTVF. He had been employed with the city since December 2013.
“The actions of Officer Odom are
not indicative of a Spring Hill Police Officer and is in direct violation of
departmental policies,” the department said in a statement released to the
station. “The department takes great pride in serving our community and
preserving the trust of our citizens.”
•
Two Miss. cops fired after girl
left in patrol car dies
Officials say Officer Cassie
Barker left her 3-year-old daughter alone in her patrol car for four hours
before she died
Well, this will fail within 6 month
Chicago gets new agency to
investigate police shootings
Aamer Madhani , USA TODAY
CHICAGO – The city council here
voted on Wednesday to create a new agency to investigate police shootings and
major misconduct allegations, a move that Mayor Rahm Emanuel and his allies say
is critical to bolstering trust of the embattled Chicago Police Department.
The newly created investigative
agency, the Civilian Office of Police Accountability (COPA), will replace the
Independent Police Review Authority. The much-maligned IPRA had been criticized
for moving too slow slowly in its investigations and rarely finding wrongdoing
by the Chicago cops it investigated.
The ordinance also creates a
deputy inspector general’s post to monitor the police department and the
oversight system.
The move comes as the city’s
police department is in the midst of a Justice Department civil rights
investigation launched in December following the court-ordered release of a
video that showed a white police officer shoot a black teen 16 times on a city
street. The video of the death of Laquan McDonald, 17, set off weeks of
protests in the city and put pressure on Emanuel to strengthen oversight of the
police department.
“I would consider this the beginning of a
journey, not the end,” Emanuel said after the council voted 39-to-8 in favor of
the ordinance. “It’s an important step forward on the improvements we all
seek.”
The agency is guaranteed minimum
funding that is equal to 1% of the police department’s budget excluding grants.
COPA is tasked with reviewing all police shootings and allegations of major
misconduct by officers, such as verbal abuse, excessive force and physical or
psychological coercion.
Some members of the city council
were pushing for an alternative ordinance that would have provided more funding
for the new agency and deputy inspector general as well as setting out the
details for establishing a separate community board that would be tasked with
picking the head of COPA. Critics also took aim at a provision in the ordinance
that calls for COPA to hire its attorneys from five law firms previously
approved by the city’s law department.
Protesters briefly delayed Wednesday's
vote, chanting, "Hold the vote," before being ushered out of the
chamber.
"This was our chance to get
it right the first time…before the U.S. Department of Justice tells us to start
over again,” said Alderman Leslie Hariston, who was a co-sponsor of an
alternative ordinance. “Such an edict will cost time and precious month.
Obviously, Chicago is not read for reform."
The city’s corporation counsel,
Steve Patton, said the launch of the new agency would occur in the coming
months.
Sharon Fairley, who was appointed
to head IPRA following the release of the McDonald video, is expected to serve
as an interim director of the new agency.
When you give idiots money and authority, this is what happens
Margaret Holcomb, an 81-year-old
woman from Amherst, Mass., grew a single marijuana plant in her garden, tucked
away behind the raspberries. She used it to ease the ailments of old age:
glaucoma, arthritis and the occasional sleepless night.
She hadn't tried to get a medical
marijuana card, because of the challenges of getting a doctor's approval, she
told the Daily Hampshire Gazette. And traveling to the dispensary in the next
town over and paying for marijuana grown by someone else would be too costly, she
feared.
So on the afternoon of Sept. 21,
a team of Massachusetts State Police and Massachusetts National Guard troops
sent a helicopter, several vehicles, and a handful of troopers to Holcomb's
house to chop down the plant and haul it away in a pickup truck.
Holcomb wasn't the only one
targeted by the marijuana raid. State police spokesman David Procopio told the
Gazette that authorities also seized 43 other plants from various properties
that day. The largest of these seizures involved 20 plants. Several properties
netted only two plants each. None of the property owners were charged with
crimes, according to Procopio.
Procopio said these operations
were done under the auspices of the Drug Enforcement Administration's Cannabis
Eradication Program, which gives state authorities money to uproot pot plants.
This year, the DEA gave Massachusetts $60,000 for marijuana eradication
efforts, according to federal documents obtained and published by journalist
Drew Atkins.
Last year, Massachusetts received
$75,000 and destroyed 3,138 plants under the program, a cost to federal
taxpayers of about $24 per plant.
Annette Shattuck describes her
home being raided and possessions seized by law enforcement
Annette Shattuck, a registered
medical marijuana caregiver, testified on May 26 before the Michigan state
House of Representatives on having her home ravaged and possessions seized by
law enforcement officials.(House.MI.gov)
Responding to criticism from a
local government official in western Massachusetts, DEA spokesman Melvin
Pattersontold the Boston Herald that the state decides when and how to conduct
raids for pot plants.
The Cannabis Eradication
Program's stated goal is to "halt the spread of cannabis cultivation in
the United States." But with more and more states legalizing recreational
marijuana use in recent years, some lawmakers are questioning whether an $18
million federal program to pull pot plants makes sense.
The program has also been the
subject of controversy and ridicule. In the mid-2000s, DEA data revealed that
most of the plants destroyed under the program were "ditchweed,"
naturally growing marijuana plants that weren't being cultivated for any
particular use.
Last year in Utah, a member of an
eradication team testified that a medical marijuana law could lead to an
epidemic of stoned rabbits and other animals. The incidentbecame fodder for
late-night talk shows.
During a Utah Senate panel on a
bill that will allow certain patients to be treated with edible forms of
marijuana, special agent Matt Fairbanks warned of the environmental costs
associated marijuana cultivation on public land. (Utah State Legislature)
Even residents carrying licenses
in medical marijuana states can fall prey to the program. In a Massachusetts
raid last month, Procopio told the Daily Hampshire Gazette that 10 plants were
seized from a couple's back yard because they were not kept in an enclosed area
protected by a lock, as the statute requires. The growers, Patti Scutari and
Francesco Compagnone, dispute that, saying that their entire yard is surrounded
by a fence with a locked gate. Under Massachusetts law patients may grow as
many marijuana plants as necessary to meet their medical needs.
[The DEA spent $73,000 to
eradicate marijuana plants in Utah. It didn’t find any.]
This summer, a task force
consisting of National Guard troops and state troopers used a helicopter to aid
in seizing four marijuana plants from 81-year-old former cancer patient Paul
Jackson on Martha's Vineyard, according to the Martha's Vineyard Times. Like
Margaret Holcomb, Jackson didn't have a medical marijuana license.
"I figured what I was
growing was such a small amount, what the hell was the big deal?" Jackson
told the newspaper.
In 2014, marijuana eradicators in
Georgia raided a retiree's garden after mistaking okra for marijuana.
Margaret Holcomb's case is
providing additional fodder for critics of strict anti-marijuana enforcement,
particularly now since voters in Massachusetts will consider whether to
legalize the plant for recreational use this fall.
"This raid, and similar
raids in recent weeks, exposes the rank falsity of prohibitionist claims that
law enforcement resources aren't being used on marijuana enforcement,"
said Jim Borghesani of the group Yes on 4, which is running the campaign to
legalize marijuana in Massachusetts. "It's difficult to say what's worse:
the waste of taxpayer dollars or the violation of an elderly woman's
peace."
Efforts to reach the Campaign for
a Safe and Healthy Massachusetts, the group opposing legalization, were
unsuccessful.
Holcomb told the Gazette she is
considering simply growing another pot plant. "I don’t picture them out
here and putting an 81-year-old woman in jail," she said.
There is no end to how fucking stupid the Fairfax County Police Are
The case of Mohammad Weiss Rasool
shows why such infiltration is potentially dangerous.
The FBI busted Rasool, an Afghan
immigrant, for tipping off an al-Qaida terrorist suspect last decade while
working as a police officer for the Fairfax County Police Department outside
Washington and moonlighting for CAIR. He worked his way up to sergeant before
authorities realized they had an al-Qaida spy in their ranks.
According to a Justice Department
complaint filed in 2008, Rasool searched a national criminal database
containing names of terrorist suspects and confirmed that FBI agents were
tailing a Muslim friend of his from a local mosque.
When agents went to arrest the
target early one morning, they found him and his family already dressed and
destroying evidence. They knew they had a mole, and worked back through the
system to find Rasool.
That's when agents discovered the
cop had breached their database at least 15 times to look up names of other
contacts, including relatives, to see if they showed up on the federal
terrorist watch list.
Rasool's actions "damaged
the integrity of the NCIC system and jeopardized at least one federal
investigation," prosecutors said in federal court papers. "The
defendant's actions could have placed federal agents in danger."
Rasool at first claimed he didn't
know the terrorist target. He confessed only after hearing a recording of his
message for the suspect, Abdullah Alnoshan - a close associate of al-Qaida
cleric Anwar Awlaki, a local imam who had helped some of the 9/11 hijackers
obtain housing and ID's in Fairfax County.
Rasool finally pleaded guilty to
illegally searching a federal database.
According to the bestselling book
"Muslim Mafia," Rasool at the time worked closely with CAIR, which
lobbied on his behalf during his prosecution.
In fact, Rasool acted as CAIR's
liaison within the police department, and often met with CAIR officials at
CAIR's headquarters located just three blocks from the US Capitol.
A senior Fairfax County Police
Department official, who called Rasool "a traitor" who
"disgraced the uniform," said he was "deeply embedded with
CAIR."
"He was the spokesman to the
department for CAIR," the official explained in "Muslim Mafia."
Muslim Terrorists Infiltrating
Law Enforcement
by PAUL SPERRY
In an alarming trend, more and
more Muslim terrorists are infiltrating the ranks of security firms and police
departments, where they have acquired official IDs and uniforms to help gain
access to secure areas, as well as firearms and tactical training to help carry
out attacks.
Some jihadists posing as law
enforcement officers have also gained access to classified federal databases to
tip off other terrorist suspects under surveillance.
On Sept. 17, Somali-American Dahi
Adan wore a security guard uniform as he stabbed or slashed 10 people at a St.
Cloud, Minn., mall with a knife before he was shot and killed by an off-duty
police officer. Adan made at least one reference to Allah during the stabbings
and asked victims if they were Muslim before attacking. An ISIS affiliate
claimed Adan was a "soldier of the Islamic State."
Stockholm-based Securitas AB, a
security firm that provides security services to companies in more than 200
cities worldwide, confirmed that Adan worked through June as a guard for its US
division.
On the same day, Afghan-American
Ahmad Rahami allegedly detonated a pressure-cooker bomb in the Chelsea
neighborhood of New York that left 31 injured. A blood-soaked journal found on
Rahami after he was shot by police indicated he was carrying out
"jihad" against "nonbelievers" in their
"backyard."
Though Rahami was working for his
family restaurant at the time, he aspired to be a police officer, according to
friends and neighbors. He majored in criminal justice at Middlesex County
College in Edison, N.J. Rahami was enrolled there from 2010-2012 but did not
graduate.
Another Afghan-American
terrorist, Omar Mateen, was employed as a security guard for a major federal
security contractor this June, when he opened fire at an Orlando nightclub,
killing 49 people. He had been dismissed from training as a prison guard after
making threatening remarks, and ended up as a private security guard for G4S
Secure Solutions USA Inc., which maintains a $234 million contract with the
Department of Homeland Security.
Mateen was subject to a
background check and psychological test when he was recruited by G4S in 2007
and rescreened in 2013 with no adverse findings - even though he threatened to
kill a sheriff's deputy at the St. Lucie County Courthouse where he was
stationed as a security guard and had been placed on a terrorist watch list by
the FBI.
"Omar became very agitated
and made a comment that he could have al-Qaida kill my employee and his
family," St. Lucie County Sheriff Ken Mascara said. "If that wasn't
bad enough, he went on to say that the Fort Hood shooter was justified in his
actions."
As CounterJihad first reported,
the Jupiter, Fla.-based security contractor G4S also provides security guards
and other security services for "90 percent of U.S. nuclear
facilities."
In fact, G4S has the US Nuclear
Regulatory Commission (NRC) contract to run simulated Red Team terrorist
attacks on US nuclear plants and US nuclear weapons labs, CounterJihad has
learned. G4S is managing the exercises, and its armed guards are participating
in the force-on-force attacks, including mock terrorist strikes, which are
designed to identify weaknesses and vulnerabilities in nuclear security.
CounterJihad has also learned
that Senate investigators have been working with NRC's Nuclear Security and
Incident Response division to determine if there are other potential Mateens
working as security guards at America's nuclear facilities. A preliminary
review has found that dozens of other Middle Easterners have landed jobs with
nuclear reactor licensees as contract security guards - including a possible
relative of Mateen. Only further
scrutiny might identify insider threats among them.
It is far from an idle
concern. In a 2011 intelligence report,
Homeland Security warned that "violent extremists have, in fact, obtained
insider positions" at nuclear facilities.
Security experts fear opening nuclear security jobs to insufficiently
vetted Muslims like Mateen risks inviting jihadists to exploit weaknesses and
vulnerabilities in the security of US nuclear plants, as well as spent-fuel rod
repositories and even the federal nuclear weapons labs.
"ISIS has nuclear facilities
on their targeting radar, not only to secure fissile material for dirty bombs,
but also to exploit the inherent vulnerability presented by overfilled spent
fuel pools," said Brian F. Sullivan, retired FAA special agent, retired
Army lieutenant colonel in the military police corps and senior fellow at the
American Leadership and Policy Foundation.
"Europe is well aware of
this threat potential and the results could be devastating here in the United
States, where our government has totally dropped the ball," Sullivan added
in a recent interview with CounterJihad. He said radioactive fallout from dirty
nukes could render major US cities uninhabitable for years, if not decades.
Of increasing concern, meanwhile,
are the operatives the terrorist front group Council on American-Islamic
Relations is planting inside law enforcement agencies. CAIR is no friend of
police. The group has published and distributed posters advising Muslims not to
cooperate with FBI agents investigating terrorist suspects and to slam the door
in their faces.
In Florida, for example, the
Broward Sheriff's Office employs a senior CAIR official, even though CAIR has
been identified by the US Justice Department as a co-conspirator in funding
terrorism and is so closely tied to the Hamas terrorist group that the FBI has
banned CAIR from all its outreach activities nationwide.
Broward deputy sheriff Nezar
Hamze doubles as regional director for CAIR in Florida, where he pushes CAIR's
Islamist agenda and defends Islam against criticism it promotes terrorism, most
recently in the bloody wake of the Orlando terrorist attack by devout Muslim
Omar Mateen, whose radical mosque was defended by a CAIR lawyer.
Broward Sheriff Scott Israel, who
calls himself "Florida's most progressive sheriff," has ignored calls
for Hamze's removal from the force despite growing local protests.
Another CAIR executive, Khalid
Latif, infiltrated the NYPD as its Muslim chaplain. Reportedly, Latif led the
pilgrimage to Saudi Arabia that Mateen joined in 2012.
The
case of Mohammad Weiss Rasool shows why such infiltration is potentially
dangerous.
The
FBI busted Rasool, an Afghan immigrant, for tipping off an al-Qaida terrorist
suspect last decade while working as a police officer for the Fairfax County
Police Department outside Washington and moonlighting for CAIR. He worked his
way up to sergeant before authorities realized they had an al-Qaida spy in
their ranks.
According
to a Justice Department complaint filed in 2008, Rasool searched a national
criminal database containing names of terrorist suspects and confirmed that FBI
agents were tailing a Muslim friend of his from a local mosque.
When
agents went to arrest the target early one morning, they found him and his
family already dressed and destroying evidence. They knew they had a mole, and
worked back through the system to find Rasool.
That's
when agents discovered the cop had breached their database at least 15 times to
look up names of other contacts, including relatives, to see if they showed up
on the federal terrorist watch list.
Rasool's
actions "damaged the integrity of the NCIC system and jeopardized at least
one federal investigation," prosecutors said in federal court papers.
"The defendant's actions could have placed federal agents in danger."
Rasool
at first claimed he didn't know the terrorist target. He confessed only after
hearing a recording of his message for the suspect, Abdullah Alnoshan - a close
associate of al-Qaida cleric Anwar Awlaki, a local imam who had helped some of
the 9/11 hijackers obtain housing and ID's in Fairfax County.
Rasool
finally pleaded guilty to illegally searching a federal database.
According
to the bestselling book "Muslim Mafia," Rasool at the time worked
closely with CAIR, which lobbied on his behalf during his prosecution.
In
fact, Rasool acted as CAIR's liaison within the police department, and often
met with CAIR officials at CAIR's headquarters located just three blocks from
the US Capitol.
A
senior Fairfax County Police Department official, who called Rasool "a
traitor" who "disgraced the uniform," said he was "deeply
embedded with CAIR."
"He
was the spokesman to the department for CAIR," the official explained in
"Muslim Mafia."
The FBI has its own problems with
Islamist moles.
Consider the case of the Muslim FBI
agent in Los Angeles who allegedly compromised a multi-agency terrorism
investigation by tipping off the ringleader of a Pakistani-based terror cell
that the local Joint Terrorism Task Force (JTTF) had under surveillance for
more than two years.
The "dirty" agent - an
Egyptian-American married to an Afghan woman - allegedly sabotaged several
investigations across the country, including ones in New York and Boston, that
tie back to the Taliban in Pakistan. According to "Muslim Mafia," he
not only tipped the terror cell leader off to a so-called "trash
cover" that investigators tried to execute outside his home in Los
Angeles, but also identified surveillance vehicles for the terrorist suspect.
After an internal FBI
investigation, the Muslim agent was reprimanded but not fired.
"The dirty FBI agent, my
JTTF counterpart, compromised by investigation as well as several other agency
investigations across the country," said a detective who works
counterterrorism intelligence for the LAPD. "The agent is embedded with
the bad guys and gave them critical information detailing the
investigations."
The LAPD source added: "The
FBI is covering it all up."
Bureau tolerance for such
betrayal by Muslim agents is not new.
Gamal Abdel-Hafiz, an
Egyptian-American and the first Muslim FBI agent, twice refused on religious
grounds to tape-record Muslim terrorist suspects under investigation, including
his friend Sami al-Arian, who was later convicted in spite of Abdel-Hafiz
gumming up the investigation.
In early 2001, then-FBI Director
Louis Freeh picked Abdel-Hafiz to become the FBI's deputy legal attache at the
U.S. Embassy in Riyadh, Saudi Arabia - a key post in the battle against
al-Qaida, which had hit American military barracks inside Saudi and a warship
in neighboring Yemen.
After 9/11, when 15 of the 19
hijackers turned out to be Saudi nationals, Abdel-Hafiz was in a prime position
to run down leads in the Saudi capital. Only, that didn't happen, at least not
as often as headquarters had hoped. Agents back in Washington complained about
his performance there, saying they were not getting answers to the hundreds of
leads they were sending him in Riyadh. Abdel-Hafiz says he was one of only two
people manning the office there and was further hobbled by an antiquated
computer system.
But he and his FBI boss Wilfred
Rattigan, a black convert to Islam, had still found time to travel to Mecca for
the annual pilgrimage, where they surrendered their FBI cell phones to Saudi
nationals and were out of contact with officials back in the U.S. who were
trying to ring them up about investigations into al-Qaida and 9/11. Both
Rattigan and Abdel-Hafiz wore traditional Muslim headgear and robes while on
the job in Saudi Arabia, further outraging fellow agents.
When a senior supervisor was sent
to the Riyadh office nearly a year after 9/11, she found secret documents
strewn all over the office, some even wedged between cabinets. She also found a
huge backlog of boxes each filled with three feet of paper containing secret,
time-sensitive leads. Much of the materials, including information on Saudi
airline pilots, had not been translated or reviewed.
It's anyone's guess how many
terror cases were compromised in the FBI's Saudi office.
The FBI tried to fire Abdel-Hafiz
in 2003 for insurance fraud and making false statements on his FBI application.
But his termination was overruled by a special panel convened to hear the case,
and he was reinstated. Reassigned to Dallas, Abdel-Hafiz recruited other
Muslims to join the FBI at Islamic conferences held by Muslim Brotherhood front
groups.
He finally retired last year,
after being placed in the bureau's post-adjudication risk management program,
or PARM, which stripped him of access to certain classified material. He now
works as a Homeland Security contractor advising on "countering violent
extremism," or CVE, the program the Obama administration started to
pretend Islam has nothing to do with terrorism.
Among other things, Abdel-Hafiz
argues against arresting young Muslim men who are being radicalized in order to
build "trust" in the Muslim community.
Hundreds of other Muslim FBI
agents, analysts, linguists and contractors have been subjected to additional
security screening under the PARM program. The investigations have been
prompted by concerns these FBI employees maintain family and other ties in the
Middle East, as well as Afghanistan and Pakistan, and could be coerced by
foreign spies or terrorist organizations to leak classified national security
information.
Cops mistake County Commission meeting for movie theater
Several Fairfax County Police officers out for evening for a "date night with the misses" mistook a board of supervisors meeting for movie theater that was said to be featuring "Broke Back Mountain"
"It was like a really like bad movie because all it was, was like guys talking, so like, we just made out instead"
In other news, the community and members of the Fairfax County Police attended a public forum to discuss police transparency in Fairfax County.
Have a problem with the Fairfax County Police? Form a useless public office as dressing!
It’s not about transparency, it’s
about hiring low brow, sub-par people as police officers.
It’s that simple.
Don’t force these clown to be transparent,
force them to hire a higher grade of human being.
It’s that simple.
Fairfax County: Supervisors
Approve Independent Police Auditor
Unanimous vote follows Ad Hoc
Commission recommendations for more transparency and oversight of Fairfax
County police.
Recent data released by Chief
Roessler shows that 40 percent of Fairfax County Police use of force incidents
involved African Americans while only 8 percent of county residents are African
American. Supervisor John Cook (R-Braddock) offered this as an example of
broader policy issues that the auditor could study.
By Tim Peterson
Supervisor Pat Herrity (center,
R-Springfieldt) expressed concern that an independent auditor position would
increase the police department’s administrative workload. He proposed funding
two additional positions in FCPD’s internal affairs bureau immediately, but
those positions will wait until 2018.
With a unanimous vote on Tuesday,
Sept. 20, the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors approved the creation of an
independent police auditor office, following recommendations from the Ad Hoc
Police Practices Review Commission.
Supervisor John Cook
(R-Braddock), chairman of the board’s Public Safety Committee, said the proposal
for auditor was true to the essence and “basic philosophical approach” of the
commission in calling for an impartial civilian who would review police
investigations as they’re occurring and report directly to the Board of
Supervisors.
“The auditor would be involved in
monitoring and making recommendations in the course of the police
investigations, a lot more efficient than waiting until the end,” Cook said.
“Police would receive real time comment back from the auditor’s office to help
strengthen those investigations.”
Board of Supervisors Chairman
Sharon Bulova established the 32-member commission following public outcry over
the August 2013 death of John Geer, 46. Geer was unarmed and standing in the
doorway of his Springfield home when he was shot and killed by FCPD officer
Adam Torres. The police and county refused to release information on the case
for more than a year, and then after court orders.
Torres, who was fired in July
2015 and indicted by a grand jury for murder in August 2015, was the first
Fairfax County Police officer in the history of the department to be charged in
such a death. Torres entered a guilty plea to involuntary manslaughter,
received credit for time served for his 12 month sentence and was released in
June.
THE AD HOC COMMISSION and its
five subcommittees met intensively beginning in March 2015, reporting to the
Board of Supervisors in October, 2015, with 142 recommendations, including the
recommendations to establish the Office of Independent Auditor.
“This has not been easy, that is
an understatement,” Bulova said. “It’s the first time we’ve established a
position such as this.”
It is the first independent,
civilian oversight of the Fairfax County Police.
The scope of the independent
auditor’s work will include reviewing all cases in which police use of force
result in serious injury or death, Cook said. The auditor would also review any
citizen complaint about police use of force even if it does not involve serious
injury or death.
Cook said the auditor would issue
an annual report, and that the auditor would also be available to engage in
policy and practice analysis regarding use of force, as suggested by the Board
of Supervisors, County Executive or Chief of Police.
For example, the auditor could
study and make recommendations concerning recent data released by Chief Edwin
Roessler about demographics of police use of force, Cook said. There were 539
use-of-force incidents in 2015 and data show that 40 percent of those incidents
involved African Americans while only 8 percent of county residents are African
American.
Cook also pointed out that,
unlike an ordinance or land use case, the board may make changes to the
independent auditor position in the future.
“If we pass this,” he said, “It
would not be shocking at all that auditor could come back and recommend we look
at a few adjustments” in the future.”
Commission member and Use of
Force subcommittee chair Phil Niedzielski-Eichner called today’s action “a
remarkable achievement for the commission’s work.” He acknowledged the vision
of the auditor was for a position that would be independent, but not separate,
from the police work.
“This gives the public a real
feeling of comfort,” said Randy Sayles of Oak Hill, a member of Use of Force
subcommittee, looking forward to use of force investigations with the auditor
on board, “of the integrity and transparency of the process.”
Commission member Adrian Steel of
McLean called the unanimous vote “quite affirming.” He also appreciated the
auditor being able to be involved in identifying trends and reviewing policy,
again getting back to the disproportionate percentage of African Americans
impacted by use of force incidents.
“The whole thought was for the
auditor to become involved in picking up these types of things,” he said.
Reston resident John Lovaas, an
alternate on the commission for Nicholas Beltrante with the Virginia Citizens
Coalition for Police Accountability, said he wasn’t happy with the way he
believed the supervisors deviated from the commission’s version of the
position.
“They eviscerated the
independence of the independent auditor,” Lovaas said, citing the auditor’s
dependence on cooperation from the police.
Other commission recommendations
that have already been approved include the establishment of the Diversion
First program providing treatment rather than jail for people in mental health
crisis and more transparency in police communications.
THE PUBLIC SAFETY COMMITTEE will
discuss the creation of a Civilian Review Panel, a complementary oversight entity
to the auditor as proposed by the Ad Hoc Commission, at its next meeting,
scheduled for Oct. 25 at 1 p.m. at the Fairfax County Government Center.
A black police officer shot an armed black man
Bonnie Kristian, Rare Contributor
CHARLOTTE, N.C. -- A black police
officer shot an armed black man at an apartment complex Tuesday, authorities
said, prompting angry street protests late into the night and well into the
early morning hours.
The man’s family disputes the
police account, reports CBS Charlotte affiliate WBTV.
The Charlotte-Mecklenburg Police
Department tweeted that demonstrators were destroying marked police vehicles
and that approximately 12 officers had been injured, including one who was hit
in the face with a rock. WBTV said 7 officers and a civilian were brought to an
area hospital.
Water bottles were also thrown.
Television coverage showed police firing tear gas to break up the crowd.
Arrests were kept to a minimum, the station said.
Early Wednesday, protesters made
their way to Interstate 85 and began throwing rocks at passing traffic,
prompting police to close the highway. WBTV tweeted:
WBTV tweeted that police formed a
line enabling traffic to get by, the road re-opened, and protesters moved to
another location.
Then came word that a Walmart had
been damaged by demonstrators.
In New York, police are seizing people’s stuff for no good reason
“Gr8 work 1×9 Conditions team,”
gloated a New York Police Department Twitter account this month. “Arrested a
male for a gravity knife and vouchered 18,000 dollars cash for forfeiture.”
In English, that means the NYPD
arrested a man for the dastardly crime of owning a small pocketknife—not
stabbing or even threatening anyone with it, just owning it—and then stole
$18,000 from him via civil asset forfeiture. As if to add insult to injury, the
tweet included a photo showing the knife, the cash, and the arrestee’s car
registration, with his name and address decipherable for the whole world to
see.
Two things are going on here, one
comparatively unique to New York City and one plaguing all of these United
States.
The unique part is the gravity
knife arrest. A true gravity knife is a very unusual weapon. Originally
developed for German paratroopers to use during World War II, gravity knives
have blades that fully retract into their handles. The name comes from the fact
that it could be opened by a soldier one-handed. The blades were as much as a
foot long—legitimately lethal stuff.
But NYC has a conveniently loose
interpretation of its gravity knife ban. Basically, no one in New York, except
perhaps a World War II buff, has a real gravity knife. But the NYPD considers
just about any pocketknife a gravity knife.
This serves as a dishonest
pretext for police to initiate confrontations with huge numbers of New Yorkers
who aren’t bothering anyone and don’t believe they’re breaking any laws. It’s
even illegal to possess these pocketknives in your own home, plus getting
caught with one can mean years in prison. And perhaps unsurprisingly given
NYC’s abysmal record on racial discrimination in stop-and-frisk encounters, the
gravity knife ban disproportionately affects minorities’ right to self-defense.
So that was the pretext for the
stop that led to this $18,000 confiscation. Thankfully, it isn’t likely to be
duplicated outside of New York City—but the confiscation itself easily could
be.
The money was taken under an
increasingly notorious policy called civil asset forfeiture, an insidious and
unconstitutional confiscation practice used by law enforcement at all levels of
American government, from local police all the way up to the FBI.
Not to put too fine a point on
it, but civil asset forfeiture infuriates me like nothing else.
It’s when police take your money
or stuff on the grounds that they find you (or even just someone you know)
suspicious. Once your property is confiscated, the burden of proof is on you,
not the cops, to demonstrate that the confiscated cash doesn’t have criminal
connections.
Because police don’t have to
charge you or present any evidence of illegal activity, you have no
constitutional protections. (The Sixth Amendment is interpreted to mean
everyone has a right to an attorney in court, but since your money is the
accused party, it doesn’t get Sixth Amendment rights.) In some jurisdictions,
you actually have to pay a fee just to be able to contest the seizure, let
alone to be certain your stuff will be returned.
So that $18,000 could have been
confiscated almost anywhere in America, because civil asset forfeiture is legal
in most states. It doesn’t matter that this man might have been carrying that
cash for a totally innocent reason.
Maybe he was buying a car or some
other big-ticket item off Craigslist. Maybe he owns acash-only restaurant or
other business and was taking earnings to the bank. Maybe it was a deposit on a
new home or other property.
Each of those is a real-life
example of innocent reasons Americans were carrying large sums of cash that
were essentially stolen by law enforcement. It’s hard to believe this could be
legal in a country that prides itself on freedom and individual rights, yet it
is.
But back to New York. It turns
out NYC has seized so much money from New Yorkers that the NYPD can’t even
count it all. Just attempting to collect all the data would crash the
department’s computers, the NYPD said.
One unjust confiscation case is
galling enough, but this is abuse of private property and individual liberty on
a grand scale. It is past time for civil asset forfeiture to go, and New York
is a great place to start.
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