Two teenage victims shame police chief & the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors
http://www.statter911.com/
Dave Statter
What does it say when a pair of
teenagers are able to release a statement on an enormously emotional and
personal subject, yet the chief of police for Fairfax County, Virginia blows it
twice when responding to the very same issue?
You can’t help but admire the two
daughters of John Geer, the man who was shot to death by a Fairfax County
police officer in August, 2013. Haylea, 19, and Morgan, 15, suffered the
killing of their father and were victims of the Fairfax County Government, yet,
at a key moment in the case on Monday, they were able to bring some honesty and
compassion to this awful mess.
Haylea and Morgan with their dad on Father’s
Day 2012
Previously: Police chief tries to
put cover-up behind him by shamefully rewriting history
You may recall that the
leadership in Fairfax County withheld important information about the Geer case
from local and federal prosecutors, a United States senator, the public and,
most importantly, John Geer’s family. For 17-months, there was mostly silence
about the case from Colonel Edwin Roessler Jr., the chief of the Fairfax County
Police Department. It took a lawsuit by Geer’s survivors to force Roessler and
company to do what they should have done from the start — tell the truth about
what happened.
In early 2015, when a judge
finally ordered Fairfax County to come clean, we all learned it was a bad
shooting. That information came from the investigative files that included the
accounts of the officers who witnessed what occurred. On Monday, the former
officer who fired the fatal shot, Adam Torres, entered a guilty plea to
involuntary manslaughter.
Faced with this latest news about
the man who killed their dad, Haylea and Morgan responded in a way that is
remarkable, especially when you consider the torment Fairfax County inflicted
upon these teenagers and the rest of John Geer’s survivors. Geer’s children
asked for justice and mercy. Here’s an excerpt from their statement:
It would be easier to give in to
our personal feelings and cry out for Torres to be further punished; we are a
society of laws, and there can be no doubt that we are entitled to use this
trial as an outlet for our pain, to express our fury that our father was taken
from us. However, we are called and
reminded by that pain to avoid inflicting the same upon other children just to
satisfy our emotions. It is rare that the easy choice is the right choice, and
while we’ve lost our father, we must strive for both justice and mercy. Where
Torres failed to show prudence and mercy, we will show him and his family both.
On the same day that this
statement was released, Colonel Roessler issued an enormously self-serving
statement that included one of the biggest lies we’ve heard throughout this
2-year and 8-month cover-up. Roessler said, “The men and women of the Fairfax
County Police Department have fully cooperated with authorities during this
investigation.”
When challenged on this
unbelievably callous and false statement, Roessler tried to clarify what he
meant during a conversation with The Washington Post’s Tom Jackman (Jackman’s
article also includes a detailed accounting of the cover-up that occurred in
the Geer case):
“The men and women told the
absolute truth,” Roessler said, “there’s over 11,000 pages which show that.
There’s no blue wall of silence. That’s what I want the community to know.
There was legal advice given [on the internal affairs files], I’ve put
processes in place to deal with that.
Here was the perfect moment for
someone to finally be publicly accountable for the cover-up and obstruction of
justice that occurred — a despicable conspiracy of silence that directly
impacted the lives of these two young women. But the chief of police or anyone
else in charge in Fairfax County couldn’t summon anything resembling the
courage, compassion and humanity that was shown Monday by Haylea and Morgan.
Colonel Edwin Roessler Jr., chief of the
Fairfax County Police Department
Instead, Ed Roessler tried to
make the ridiculous case that the advice of a county attorney trumped the oath
of office he took when he became a police officer and took again when he became
the chief. But let’s not put this all on the chief’s shoulders. The best we can
tell is that each of Roessler’s bosses — inside the county executive’s office
and on up to Chairman of the Board of Supervisors Sharon Bulova — had a hand in
some of the various decisions that furthered the cover-up.
Each one of them should have
long-ago issued an apology to the citizens for their lack of leadership,
transparency and candor. They should have also apologized to the men and women
of the Fairfax County Police Department for tarnishing their reputation by
failing to live up to the same high standards displayed by the officers who
witnessed and investigated the Geer case. If there was actual accountability in
Fairfax County, all of the “leaders” who contributed to the cover-up would have
departed their positions early last year when we finally learned the truth they
were hiding.
Most important, Roessler should
have had the decency to issue a statement Monday that was as honest and
heartfelt as the one issued by these two young women. But to do that would mean
a public apology from the chief of police for failing to do his duty as a
police officer. It would mean someone in Fairfax County admitting they withheld
the truth about the death of Haylea and Morgan’s dad and greatly delayed
justice being served.
But John Geer’s daughters had
enough experience with Fairfax County to know that such an honest public
accounting wasn’t coming from Roessler or anyone else. Even though their
statement showed mercy for the man who killed their dad, these thoughtful
teenagers weren’t as charitable to the people responsible for the cover-up.
They made that extremely clear in the final paragraph of their statement:
As for the Fairfax County Board
of Supervisors and the Fairfax County Police Department, we remain appalled by
their actions in covering up the truth and putting Torres in the position to
decide life and death given what they knew about his background. Until such
time that the Ad Hoc Committee’s recommendations are adopted and the policies
of the FCPD are changed, we fear that these tragic events can occur again with
different victims and different officers.
We call upon the Board to immediately adopt and implement the Committee’s
recommendations without delay for the good of the FCPD and the citizens of
Fairfax County. No family should have to suffer the loss of a mother, a father,
or a loved one under circumstances like ours.
Torres Pleads Guilty to Involuntary Manslaughter of John Geer
He'll serve ONE YEAR....that's it..ONE YEAR for killing a man in a temper tantrum
Former Police officer faced
murder charges for 2013 shooting
By Tim Peterson
John Geer’s father Don Geer said
he had “mixed emotions” following Adam Torres’ involuntary manslaughter guilty
plea on April 18, 2016.
#“What’s important now is keeping
pressure on the supervisors to make sure a review panel is enacted and they
develop some timeline policy for handling these situations.”
#— Jeff Stewart, best friend of
John Geer who witnessed his death
#It was over before it began.
Neither prosecution nor defense gave opening statements in former Fairfax
County Police Officer Adam Torres’ trial for the August 2013 murder of
Springfield resident John Geer. Instead on Monday, April 18, Torres pleaded
guilty to felony involuntary manslaughter for the August 2013 incident.
#Police had responded to a call
that day from Geer’s live-in girlfriend Maura Harrington that he was throwing
her belongings out of the house. Torres and another officer talked with Geer
for 40 minutes before Torres fired, hitting him in the chest.
#Torres claimed Geer suddenly
lowered his hands, making him think Geer was reaching for a gun.
#Harrington and Geer lived
together for more than 20 years and had two teenage daughters. Harrington had
told Geer that she was moving out.
#The Sunday before the trial was
set to begin, Commonwealth’s Attorney Raymond F. Morrogh said Torres’ attorneys
contacted him with the plea offer. Morrogh then spoke with Harrington, the
family’s attorney Michael Lieberman and Geer’s parents.
#With the deal, Torres would
serve 12 months in jail, getting credit for the eight months already served.
Being a convicted felon would prevent him from owning a firearm or becoming a
police officer again, a priority for Harrington and her daughters, Morrogh
said.
#Geer’s mother was “vehemently opposed
to any agreement,” Morrogh said, adding that she “wants a life sentence.”
#The sentencing is set for June
24, at which point the judge may accept or amend the length of Torres’
sentence, or reject the plea altogether. If that happens, Morrogh said, the
case would go to trial with a different judge. Torres is the first Fairfax
County Police Officer in the history of the department to be charged in a
shooting death.
#“It’s certainly not an ideal or
perfect situation,” Morrogh said during a press conference following the
hearing, outside the Fairfax Courthouse. “My role is to get as much justice as
I can, for victims and family.”
#Morrogh said Harrington was
concerned about defense plans to call Geer’s 19-year-old daughter — who was at
a neighbor’s house at the time of the shooting — to testify about her father’s
past actions and character.
#Morrogh also said the defense
had an expert lined up to argue that Torres acted reasonably given the
situation. “I thought we had real good evidence on where his hands were,”
Morrogh said, but “those are the kinds of things that can muddy the waters,”
for a jury.
#“I weighed it all, this is my
decision and I stand by it,” Morrogh said.
#IN A PHONE INTERVIEW, Lieberman
said he was pleased Morrogh went with the plea deal. He said many prosecutors
turn them down, but it can be difficult to get a felony conviction in cases
like this with a police officer involved.
#Lieberman said the family was
also thinking of Torres’ wife and children in accepting the plea. He supplied a
statement from Geer’s daughters in which they say, “Whatever his faults,
Torres’ wife and children did not murder our father, and it would be wrong to
hurt them just to allay our own anger and pain. Robbing other children of time
with their father would only make us complicit in another wrong.”
#The daughters cite the Fairfax
County Board of Supervisors and Police Department, bodies which withheld
details of their father’s shooting from them for 17 months. That included
personnel files and accounts of Torres having a history of outbursts and
marital stress.
#Until a $12 million wrongful
death case brought by the Geer family forcing the release of information,
Fairfax County Police stood by policy they said kept them from releasing
Torres’ name or many other details of the shooting while investigations into
the incident were ongoing.
#“As for the Fairfax County Board
of Supervisors and the Fairfax County Police Department, we remain appalled by
their actions in covering up the truth and putting Torres in the position to
decide life and death given what they knew about his background,” the
daughters’ statement continues. “Until such time that the ad hoc [commission’s]
recommendations are adopted and the policies of the FCPD are changed, we fear
that these tragic events can occur again with different victims and different
officers.”
#FAIRFAX COUNTY BOARD OF
SUPERVISORS Chairman Sharon Bulova and Chief of Police Edwin Roessler sent out
statements following the guilty plea that offered sympathy to Geer’s family and
friends. Though each have previously acknowledged the case wasn’t handled as
well as it could have been, their statements stopped short of admitting
wrongdoing. They focused more on forging ahead.
#“The death of John Geer and
events that followed have sparked a number of changes in our Police Department
to include a transformation in the way officers are trained to respond to
critical incidents,” Bulova said in her statement. “The Board of Supervisors is
moving forward with recommendations made by the Ad Hoc Police Practices Review
Commission, demonstrating Fairfax County’s commitment to maintaining the public
trust and making our Police Department a national model moving forward.”
#The county recently posted a
progress report online for the implementation of the commission’s 142
recommended policy changes.
#In a statement, Supervisor Pat
Herrity (R-Springfield) said, “The process to resolve this sad chapter in
Fairfax County history has been lengthy and frustrating, much to our own
doing.”
#Though some policies have been
changed or updated, including a Diversion First program to direct nonviolent
offenders with mental illness to receive treatment services rather than jail
time, Fairfax County has yet to adopt or implement an independent auditor or
citizen oversight board — two of the recommendations receiving considerable
attention.
#Roessler’s statement added, “The
men and women of the Fairfax County Police Department have fully cooperated
with all authorities during this investigation. The action of one former
employee is not reflective of the honorable work done day-in and day-out by all
members of our Department.”
#Geer’s best friend Jeff Stewart,
who witnessed the 2013 shooting and went on to serve on the Fairfax County Ad
Hoc Police Practices Review Commission, responded critically to Roessler’s
words.
#“They weren’t compliant,”
Stewart said in a phone interview, “otherwise we wouldn’t have had to involve
the federal Justice Department and [U.S.] senators.”
#Morrogh handed his initial
investigation of the incident to the U.S. Attorney Dana Boente, later
explaining that Fairfax County Police were withholding information from him.
And U.S. Sen. Charles Grassley (R-Iowa), ranking member of the Senate Judiciary
Committee, got involved in November 2014 when he sent formal inquiries to
Roessler and Boente about the stagnant case.
#AT THE PRESS CONFERENCE
following Monday’s hearing, Morrogh commented on the Fairfax County attorneys
who advised the Board of Supervisors to go along with not releasing the
information, saying, “I’ve never seen anyone act like that. I hope it never
happens again, it was dead wrong.”
#“Because of that, we were left
with nothing for 17 months,” said Stewart, “which in itself is a crime. What’s
important now is keeping pressure on the supervisors to make sure a review
panel is enacted and they develop some timeline policy for handling these
situations.”
#Near the conclusion of the
hearing, Torres said he was “truly sorry for my actions” and “heartbroken” for
Geer’s children. “No words I can say today … adequately express my remorse.”
#Geer’s father Don said he didn’t
hear the apology in the courtroom, and that it was the first one he’d heard
from Torres.
#“A little late in coming,”
he said. “Nothing on this has been done in a timely manner.”Fairfax County cops kill another citizen
THE HEADLINE WILL READ "FAIRFAX COUNTY COPS INVESTIGATE FAIRFAX COUNTY POLICE AND FIND FAIRFAX COUNTY POLICE INNOCENT"
WHY WON'T THE MEDIA PRINT THE COPS NAMES? IMAGINE YOU KILLED SOMEONE.....THEY'D PRINT YOUR NAME IN A HEART BEAT......
FORCE THE COPS INVOLVED TO INSURE THEMSELVES
Disabled Man Dies After Struggle
With Officers in Fairfax County, Police Say
A disabled man died Wednesday
after a confrontation with officers near a park in Falls Church, Virginia,
police said.
Fairfax County police said
45-year-old Paul Gianelos, a resident of a group home, wandered away from Round
Tree Park at 3320 Annandale Road about 1 p.m. Gianelos had developmental and
physical disabilities, police said.
An officer found Gianelos about a
mile and a half away from the park and asked for the caregiver to meet them,
police said.
While waiting for the caregiver,
police said Gianelos became combative. Four officers restrained him and
handcuffed him behind his back. In the struggle, Gianelos' forehead was
scraped.
Police said Gianelos was 5-foot-9
and about 280 pounds.
He experienced a medical
emergency while the officers tried to take him into custody, police said.
Fairfax County police Chief Col.
Edwin Roessler said Gianelos was alert and breathing when police called
paramedics. When a crew arrived, Gianelos suffered what appeared to be cardiac
arrest, police said.
A medic performed CPR on Gianelos
while he was rushed to Inova Fairfax Hospital, police said.
Gianelos did not survive and was
declared dead soon after he arrived at the hospital, police said.
Roessler said the officer that
first found Gianelos is a 20-year veteran who had been trained in crisis
intervention.
Detectives with the Fairfax
County Police Department and the Internal Affairs Bureau are investigating.
A medical examiner will determine
Gianelos' cause of death.
Culture of Concealment Protects Police Officers
Big City
By GINIA BELLAFANTE APRIL 8, 2016
Glen Grays, a 27-year-old mail
carrier, and his mother, Sonya Sapp, at a news conference in Brooklyn in March.
CreditDave Sanders for The New York Times
When Glen Grays was inexplicably
handcuffed and hauled off by the police in Brooklyn on March 17 while
delivering the mail on his route in Crown Heights, the world soon learned a bit
about him. At a news conference given by Eric L. Adams, the Brooklyn borough
president, at which a video of the encounter was made public, Mr. Grays’s
mother explained that she had six sons and worried about all of them. In the
days ahead, Mr. Grays spoke to reporters, telling them that he was, in fact,
engaged to a New York City police officer, that he had worked hard all of his
life, that he had never been arrested and that despite the indignities he had
suffered at the hands of the four plainclothes police officers — who were
supposed to be in uniform — he did not wish for them to be fired.
Days after the video gained
national attention, the police commissioner, William J. Bratton, said he had
strong concerns about the actions taken by the officers. By then the Police
Department had already begun an investigation by its Internal Affairs Bureau
and the officers had beenremoved from their assignment with the Conditions
Unit, a neighborhood-based troubleshooting division, and put back on patrol.
Later, the supervising officer was stripped of his gun and badge and put on
desk duty.
Despite all that, the department
did not reveal the names of the men involved or apprise the public of any
history of complaints leveled against them. The officers’ names became known
because of an accident report Mr. Grays obtained at the 71st Precinct station
house, which identified them. After Mr. Grays was taken away by the police
officers in an unmarked car, that vehicle had hit another in front of it.
Secrecy is, in essence, protocol.
It is required by a controversial lawpassed 40 years ago, Section 50-a of the
state’s civil rights code, which protects officers’ personnel records from
public view, enshrining the suppression of information around police misconduct
as governance.
Had Mr. Grays, in his 27 years,
accumulated a litany of petty offenses and low-level drug possession charges,
we would almost surely know about them. One comparatively less glaring
dimension of the hypocrisy that surrounds cases in which ordinary people are
harmed or killed by those entrusted to protect them is the vast difference in
the way that law enforcement handles the biographies of those people. A system
that safeguards the names of police officers above all else often too easily
accommodates the tainting of victims. The most notorious example occurred 16
years ago, when Mayor Rudolph W. Giuliani authorized the release of Patrick
Dorismond’s arrest record after Mr. Dorismond had become the third unarmed
black man shot and killed by New York City police officers in approximately a
year. When asked to respond to criticism that he had been vilifying the dead
man, the mayor only delivered his rebuke more emphatically, claiming that Mr.
Dorismond was not “an altar boy.”
Four years ago, a day after
18-year-old Ramarley Graham, unarmed, was shot and killed by a police officer
in the Bronx, an article in The Wall Street Journal quoted an anonymous
law-enforcement source offering that Mr. Graham had eight prior arrests. This
information was made known before the Police Department identified the officer
who shot him, Richard Haste. Documents filed in conjunction with a
wrongful-death suit against the city, which resulted in a $3.9 million award to
Mr. Graham’s family, showed that most of the arrests had been dismissed, or
sealed because of Graham’s age, and that access to his history could have been
obtained only through “the illegal or improper retention of sealed
information.”
We know that Eric Garner had a
criminal record, but we know far less about Daniel Pantaleo, the officer who
applied the fatal chokehold while attempting to arrest Mr. Garner for the sale
of loose cigarettes on Staten Island two years ago. Hoping to learn more, the
Legal Aid Society sued the city’s Civilian Complaint Review Board, the
independent agency that handles complaints against police officers, for a
summary of substantiated claims and disciplinary actions against Mr. Pantaleo.
A State Supreme court justice ruled in Legal Aid’s favor; the city appealed the
decision in August.
All the while, both Officers
Pantaleo and Haste have remained on the force, in administrative roles,
collecting salaries.
In an effort to combat a culture
of concealment, the Legal Aid Society last year began building a database to
collect whatever information it could find about potential areas of misbehavior
by police officers. Through the state’s Freedom of Information Law, for
instance, the organization gathers city payroll data to examine overtime
patterns. A lot of overtime can indicate either a penchant for hard work, or a
propensity for making unnecessary arrests, with the notion that the attendant
paperwork will extend the clock.
The three police officers and one
lieutenant involved in the Grays case were all found to have amassed
considerable overtime last year, according to Cynthia Conti-Cook, a staff
lawyer for the Legal Aid Society. The lieutenant, Luis D. Machado, made more
than $41,000 in supplemental income, meaning that he put in more overtime hours
than 89 percent of the lieutenants working in Brooklyn. The officers, David G.
Savella, Miguel I. Rodriguez and Lazo Lluka, each worked more overtime than at
least 96 percent of the officers in Brooklyn. Responding to a request for
comment, Lt. John Grimpel, a department spokesman, said the officers’ overtime
levels last year were “well within the normal range for their assignments.”
When Section 50-a was under
review in 1976, it had, not surprisingly, a great deal of support from
prosecutors and police unions. In a letter opposing passage of the law, though,
one prosecutor, Joseph P. Hoey, took an enlightened view. “Too often today the
opinion is expressed that police work is just another job,” Mr. Hoey, who had
been the United States attorney in Brooklyn, said. Making personnel records
confidential would only bolster that belief, he argued.
“All the participants in the
criminal justice system should constantly be reminded that their employment in
this system is a privilege,” Mr. Hoey wrote, “and that the greatest part of
this privilege is being charged with the trust of maintaining the public’s
right to justice.”
Washington Can't Fix Broken Policing
Federal intervention allows local
officials to evade responsibility.
It has been one year since
Freddie Gray died while in the custody of the Baltimore Police Department.
Gray’s death sparked peaceful protests and then calamitous riots that brought
international attention and prompted the deployment of National Guard units.
While local prosecutors indicted the officers involved in Gray’s arrest, the
federal government promised to investigate the entire police department for a
“pattern or practice” of constitutional violations. The impending outcome of
that inquiry seems foreordained. The real question is whether federal
monitoring can truly fix a broken police department. The conventional wisdom is
that it can, but experience tells us that it can be counterproductive.
Since the Ferguson riot in 2014,
police departments across the country have been under unprecedented scrutiny.
When a pattern of wrongdoing or dysfunction is exposed, we hear a familiar
refrain: this department is so bad that it is incapable of correcting itself,
so federal intervention is necessary. After some initial resistance, the city
of Ferguson has now agreed to a federal monitor. Last week, Newark also agreed
to a federal monitor, to oversee its troubled police force. The Justice
Department has also investigated and instituted reforms in many of the United
States’ big-city police departments—Los Angeles, New Orleans, Detroit,
Cleveland and Pittsburgh, to name a few.
Clearly, police misconduct is
more widespread than many want to admit. In Chicago, the shooting death of
Laquan McDonald, caught on camera, has roiled minority neighborhoods because
they see it as only the most recent episode of police wrongdoing there. It is
safe to say that other cities may be one incident away from similar unrest.
Mayors and city councils don’t
want police misconduct to occur, but in too many cities they let the problem
fester. To the extent that they’re even paying attention, the typical political
calculation seems to be this: it’s better to have the support of the police
department and police union come election time, so don’t take steps that they
will oppose.
There is, however, a cost to that
political calculation: minority resentment toward city government—especially
the police. After all, the victims of illegal detention, illegal searches and
excessive force have friends, neighbors and relatives. And when bad cops are
not dealt with, it is not unfair to conclude that the department itself is
indifferent to injustice. This explains the rise of the Black Lives Matter movement.
When a shocking incident of
police misconduct comes along, the fecklessness of local governance is exposed
in the glare of the media spotlight. Suddenly, reporters are asking pointed
questions. Exactly how many people have been shot by the police department? Why
was video evidence withheld from the public? What accountability systems are in
place to track and remove problem officers?
The optimal moment for police
reform comes in the immediate aftermath of a police scandal. The public is
aroused, and if the problems run deep into the department itself, voters want
those problems corrected. Local politicians find themselves on the spot. They
can’t afford to appear uninterested, but they’d rather not fight the police
department either. Instead of rolling up their sleeves to make some politically
difficult decisions, they posture as reformers by joining thechorus calling for
a federal civil rights investigation.
When the feds do intervene,
everyone seems to be pleased. The heat is off the local officials to address
police misconduct. They say they’ll have to await the outcome of the federal
investigation before taking any action. Federal officials are pleased because
they are seen as the cavalry coming to the rescue. Civil rights activists are
satisfied because they think a federal lawsuit will bring about needed reforms.
The police department and police union benefit as well. The intense media
scrutiny will now fade as the months roll past.
Unfortunately, federal
intervention has a counterproductive “enabling” effect: it allows local
officials to evade their responsibility to fix broken police organizations.
When the local politicos make a plea for federal intervention, it deflects
attention away from their oversight failure and actually squanders the prospect
for sweeping changes at a pivotal moment.
There is a borderline reverence
for federal intervention among academics and journalists, which has blinded
them to political dynamics that should strike us as odd. On the surface, it
appears as if the feds are imposing wide-ranging reforms on local officialdom.
In truth, however, the local officials chose that outcome once the feds were
invited in. Here’s the quandary: the local politicos had the capability to
enact reforms all along, so why didn’t they embrace such measures to head off a
federal lawsuit? Experience has shown, time and again, that local officials
would rather cope with federal monitors than fight powerful police unions.
Federal monitors have not
succeeded where local officials are intransigent about reform. Arizona’s Joe
Arpaio, sheriff of Maricopa County, is an example. Arpaio may lose a case in
court, but he remains defiant and wins reelection. There have been improvements
in the cities with reform-minded mayors and police chiefs—but in those cases,
federal monitors were never really necessary. The monitors merely provided the
local officials with additional political leverage against the police lobby.
Local political fights, however, should not be considered an appropriate basis
for federal lawsuits and federal takeovers of local police operations.
Police misconduct is a serious
problem. If the solution was simple, it would have already been adopted. The
hard truth is that a good police department requires the sustained commitment
of locally elected officials to that goal. If that commitment is absent,
federal intervention will only obscure that reality, and make it more difficult
for voters to hold the local politicos accountable for their neglect.
Timothy Lynch is director of the
Cato Institute’s Project on Criminal Justice and is the editor of Cato’s
National Police Misconduct Reporting Project.
GROUP CALLS FOR REFORM, TRANSPARENCY IN RALEIGH POLICE
By Joel Brown
RALEIGH (WTVD) --
Raleigh City Council got an
earful Monday night about how to reform the city's police department.
Community activists aligned with
the group PACT led the charge. The Police Accountability and Community Task
Force is more than a year old, but the deadly police shooting of Akiel Denkins
in southeast Raleigh on Feb. 29, gave the group renewed purpose.
Outside City Hall, the group came
bearing signs. Some read, "Justice for Akiel" and "Black Lives
Matter." But the group also came to deliver a petition, a list of demands
to reform Raleigh PD.
"We as the citizens of
Raleigh ask for transparency! That is why we ask for a seat at the table to
decide the oversight board," said Kimberly Muktarian at a rally before the
meeting.
When the public-hearing portion
began, they came one by one to bring their demands to city councilors. They
want a community oversight board with subpoena power to hold officers
accountable. They want officers to make marijuana possession a lower-level
priority.
"Wake County arrest data
shows that black people are going to jail for possession of small amounts of
marijuana at significant higher rates," said Geraldine Alshamy as she
addressed the council.
The group applauded the city's
move to start a five-year pilot program to equip every officer with a body
camera. But they want the city to immediately begin drawing up rules of the
road for the body-camera program. They expressed concerns about privacy for
victims of domestic-violence calls, and they want public access to the videos.
"At the very least, the
subjects of any recordings should have access to those recordings, ideally a
copy of those recordings," said Sarah Preston with ACLU of North Carolina.
Raleigh City Attorney Thomas
McCormick raised objections about whether City Council has the authority to
grant subpoena power to a community oversight board.
"We agree with the comments
made by the city attorney," said Matt Cooper, President of the Raleigh
Police Protective Association, the police union.
Cooper also agreed with McCormick
that city councilors, the grand jury, and independent investigators at the SBI
provide more than enough accountability for his officers.
"We would like to say that
issues and perceived problems in other areas of the country are not indicative
of what is going on in the city of Raleigh," Cooper said
The ACLU concedes a community
oversight board with subpoena power for investigations would likely require
legislation from the General Assembly. And, that is unlikely to happen. But the
ACLU points to cities such as Greensboro, which has a city staff sit on its
civilian review board for police that can issue subpoenas.
Brave pet killers...when they think they can get away with it
Animal
lovers protest Bronx cop’s dog shooting outside NYPD stationhouse
BY DANNY LEWIS, LEONARD GREENE
NEW YORK DAILY NEWS
No justice, no pooch.
Animal lovers gathered across the
street from a Bronx police stationhouse Sunday to protest the death of a dog
shot by an officer answering a domestic dispute call.
Cops from the 46th Precinct
stationhouse on Ryer Ave. were responding to a call from an E. 183rd St. Bronx
apartment building on Feb. 13 when Officer Ruben Cuesta fired a single shot
into the pit bull’s skull as the dog scampered about in the hallway.
Video of the shooting showed the
wounded dog named Spike still wagging his tail before he died.
“If you are afraid of a dog, I
hate to tell you, you’re in the wrong line of work,” said Rob Becerra, a
filmmaker and animal-rights activist from Long Island, who organized the
protest.
“Shooting a dog is a last
resort,” Becerra said.
“They need to utilize pepper
spray. God forbid that cop missed, he could’ve shot someone.”
Chanting slogans like “Tail
wagging, don’t shoot,” “Paws up, don’t shoot” and “Justice for Spike,” the
dozen protesters called on the NYPD to implement training to teach cops how to
react to situations involving dogs without using a gun.
Meanwhile, Bronx neighbor Marie
Palladino, 65, said she also holds the owner responsible for Spike’s death.
“She had ample opportunity to get
the dog,” she said.
Palladino, an animal lover who
helps rescue and find new homes for dogs, said the NYPD should be trained in
canine body language to figure out whether a dog is being threatening.
“I want the officers to be more
educated in dog body language, pit bulls especially,” Palladino said.
Police Commissioner Bill Bratton
said Cuesta, 28, would have to “justify what was going through his mind at that
particular time.”
A surveillance video the Daily
News acquired shows Cuesta backing away from Spike, then shooting the dog from
a few feet away as he slowly approached, wagging his tail.
‘Body slam’ cop sparks fury after
shocking Texas schoolgirl arrest (VIDEO)
Mobile phone footage of a Texas
police officer picking up a 12-year-old girl and slamming her onto a concrete
floor has emerged, sparking a probe by San Antonio school authorities.
Identified as officer Joshua Kehm
of Rhodes Middle School by the San Antonio Express, the cop has been placed on
paid leave after appearing to violently intervene in a schoolyard dispute
between two children.
Struggling to restrain 6th grader
Janissa Valdez, who was reportedly involved in an argument with a peer, Kehm
can be seen to slam her to the ground with force.
As the district police officer
cuffs the dazed girl, shocked students can be heard asking if she is okay after
apparently landing on her face.
“This video is very concerning,
and we are working to get all of the details,” Leslie Price, San Antonio
Independent School District spokesperson, told local media.
“We certainly want to understand
what all occurred, and we are not going to tolerate excessive force in our
district.”
The police smackdown happened on
March 29. The girl’s mother has said her daughter doesn’t remember the arrest
as she was knocked out by the alarming incident.
“Supposedly he was threatened by
her that she kicked him, but in the video her legs never went up,” Gloria
Valdez told Kens 5 Eyewitness News.
“She was, I guess, unconscious.
She doesn’t remember being arrested with handcuffs… [she’s] bruised because of
how she was hit on the cement.”
This isn’t the first time a Texan
cop has hit the headlines over apparent rough handling of a juvenile.
In June 2015, another officer,
Eric Casebolt, resigned after he was filmed pulling his gun on a group of black
teenagers in McKinney.
His lawyer said two earlier
suicide calls had contributed to his emotional state, which saw him force a
14-year-old girl to the ground and perform a ludicrous barrel roll.
The national cop crime waves continues
Four
Cops Arrest Black Man For Stepping Off Curb
by Michael Allen
An unidentified black man filmed
the moment he was arrested by four San Diego, California, police officers
(video below). His crime? Stepping off a curb.
The video was originally posted
on the Don't Shoot Facebook page on April 7 with the caption: "The hateful
eight of San Diego cops rushed a Black man for 'stepping off sidewalk' I just
wonder, what are we paying for our tax dollars? Do they REALLY not have
anything better to do than this?
"These cops are thirsty for
violent conflict and thus are a menace to society. This video is more
proof."
In the video, the man is walking
around with an unidentified companion and pointing out the cops in the area. At
one point, the man does appear to step off a curb to film a street.
"Now you see this
s---?" the man tells his companion. "They’re trying to follow me.
They’re trying to get me. But I’m in the wrong, if I do anything. You see this
s---? This is dumb."
Two San Diego police cruisers
pull up, the officers get out and approach the man.
PhotographyIsNotACrime.com notes
the awkward conversation that followed.
"How’s it going
partner?" the cops.
"Alright, did I do anything
wrong?" the man replies.
"Absolutely, you can’t step
off the curb like that," the officer informs him.
"Oh, I can’t step off the
curb," the man answers. "I didn’t take a picture, I just lightly
stepped off."
"No, no, no, no," the
cop insists. "I saw you over there."
"I didn’t do nothing
wrong," the man tells the police.
The officer then asks the man if
he is carrying any weapons and tells him that they are going to pat him down.
The police do not give a reason for searching him on the video.
"I didn’t do nothing
wrong," the man says.
"You stepped off the
curb," the officer replies
The man asks for his ticket, but
the cop handcuffs him and says, "I'll do my business the way I do my
business."
"If the person is a danger
to themselves or others, it could rise to the level of a state misdemeanor
arrest,” an officer from the San Diego Police Chief's office told
PhotographyIsNotACrime.com.
"Generally we issue a civil
citation for jaywalking," the officer added. "I don’t know under what
circumstances our police would perform an arrest."
Federal
grand jury indicts former Pittsburgh police sergeant who was fired after violent
arrest
PITTSBURGH —A federal grand jury
has indicted a fired Pittsburgh police sergeant accused of wrongly pushing and
punching a drunken man at Heinz Field and then lying on reports to justify his
use of force. (Mobile users: Scroll down to read the U.S. attorney's
statement.)
Stephen Matakovich, accused of
wrongly pushing and punching a man at Heinz Field and lying on reports to
justify his use of force, is now facing a federal civil rights case.
Stephen Matakovich, 47, of
Brookline, was charged with perjury, official oppression and simple assault
after surveillance videoshowed him striking Gabriel Despres, then 19.
VIDEO: Watch Sheldon Ingram's
report
"Every indication is what
the sergeant did that day was wrong", says Pittsburgh Mayor Bill Peduto.
He says the grand jury indictment
sends a powerful message "to build that faith back with the community, We
have to make sure we have discipline, but it has to be consistent and fair".
Charges against Matakovich were
dismissed by a district judge at a preliminary hearing Feb. 1. District
Attorney Stephen Zappala's office later refiled the charges.
The FBI reviewed the case,
because Pittsburgh police said the security video did not appear to support
Matakovich's claim that Despres was aggressive during his Nov. 28 arrest at the
WPIAL football championships.
"Sgt. Matakovich recently
testified at a preliminary hearing before District Judge Robert Ravenstahl. At
the conclusion of that hearing, the charges were dismissed. The FOP believes
strongly that when all the facts and circumstances are fully explained, Sgt.
Matakovich's actions will be found reasonable based upon the totality of the
circumstances known to him at the time he used force in the course of an
arrest," police union President Robert Swartzwelder said in a statement
Wednesday.
Bryan Campbell, a police union
attorney seeking to have the ex-officer reinstated, said that a state law
requires officers charged with felonies to be suspended from "law
enforcement duties" but that the language has been interpreted to mean
officers in such cases can't work patrol duties.
He said Matakovich could work in
the police warrant office or evidence room.
"Plus, he's a sergeant, so
there's a lot of administrative jobs for sergeants where they're not out there
answering calls and stuff," Campbell said.
Despres still faces a preliminary
hearing in May on charges including defiant trespass and public drunkenness. He
didn't return a telephone call seeking comment and doesn't have an attorney
listed in court papers.
Md.
lawmaker confident in police reform bill despite setback
By BRIAN WITTE
ANNAPOLIS, Md. (AP) — A Maryland
lawmaker says he’s optimistic a police reform bill can still pass, despite an
unexpected setback.
Sen. Robert Zirkin said Tuesday
he doesn’t think the measure is in trouble after it was sent back to committee
late Monday. The chairman of the Senate Judicial Proceedings Committee says
he’s confident the comprehensive bill will return to the Senate “sooner rather
than later.”
The bill was sent back after
Baltimore senators wanted to include two civilian members with voting powers on
a city board that reviews complaints against police. The measure now leaves it
up to local officials to determine that.
The bill is the work of a panel
formed after Baltimore riots last year following Freddie Gray’s death after his
neck was broken in the back of a police van.
Cops sued for ‘brutal beating’
during arrest of wrong man
GRAND RAPIDS, MI (WOOD) — A man
is suing a Grand Rapids police officer and an FBI agent, claiming he was
brutally beaten by them when they were undercover looking for a different man.
In the federal lawsuit filed
Monday, 23-year-old James King argues excessive force was used and his
constitutional protections against unreasonable search and seizure were
violated when he was arrested in July 2014.
The arrest happened near the
corner of Leonard Street NW and Tamarack Avenue in Grand Rapids. According to
court documents, King says he was walking to work at The Geek Group when the
officer and agent in plainclothes approached him, claiming they were police and
asking for his identification because he matched a rough description of a home
invasion suspect.
King complied at first, according
to the lawsuit, but when the officers removed his wallet and said he was under
arrest, he started running because he thought he was being robbed. The lawsuit
alleges he made it only a few steps before he was tackled and then choked until
he lost consciousness.
A witness captured video on a
cellphone of a handcuffed King lying face-down in the grass after the struggle
was over. In the video, witnesses can be heard recounting what happened:
“They were literally pounding him
in the head, though,” one witness said. “They were pounding his head for no
reason.”
King was arrested for assaulting
the undercover officers and resisting arrest. He spent the weekend in jail
before posting bond and being released, according to the lawsuit.
King after the arrest. (Courtesy photo)
Pictures taken after the incident
show him with a dark bruise under his left eye and both eyes red because of
burst blood vessels.
In the lawsuit, he claims he had
to drop out of college because of the incident.
“James learned the hard lesson
that unless you’re 6 years old, white and lost, the police aren’t necessarily
your friends and he got beat down for it,” Chris Boden, the president of The
Geek Group, said.
He said he’s furious about what
happened.
“This is real and I watched a
kid’s life get destroyed for it,” he said. “I’m pissed as hell.”
Other witnesses who have come
forward painted a different picture. One witness said he helped police subdue
King, who he said bit an officer’s arm.
“When they tackled him, they
proceeded to yell, ‘Help us, help us.’ And they were yelling that they were
detectives. So I sat and watched for two seconds, (then) I ran across the
street helped hold him down, pretty much,” the witness, who didn’t want to be
identified, told 24 Hour News 8.
Another anonymous witnesses also
said the officers’ actions were justified:
“At not one point did I see him
knocked unconscious and laying still. He was flailing at all times,” the
witness said.
Both witnesses claim police were
clearly wearing badges around their necks.
Police later realized King was
not the home invasion suspect they were looking for. He was tried on the
assault charges, but ultimately acquitted.
Several witnesses told 24 Hour
News 8 that another officer who arrived on scene after the incident was asking
people to delete any cellphone video to protect the officers’ identities.That
third officer is also named as a defendant in the lawsuit.
The City of Grand Rapids declined
to comment Tuesday.
Should smoking a cigarette land
you in jail?
By Mark Chiusano
One snowy day last winter,
Darrell Morrison was walking into the subway at 125th Street. He was smoking a
cigarette, and before entering the station, on the last step, he stamped it
out.
That’s when he saw two police
officers watching him. They asked to see his ID.
Morrison, 49, asked why, and one
of the officers told him that he wasn’t allowed to smoke in the transit system.
Morrison said he knew that, but had put out the cigarette before he got
underground. The officer told him a new law made the staircase part of the
transit system.
Morrison gave the officers his
ID, figuring he’d get his ticket, pay his fine. But the officer came back after
running the ID, and said they had to arrest him.
At the station, Morrison was
informed that he was a "transit recidivist," language in a recently
revised NYPD policy by which those who have committed certain crimes or
committed a number of transit violations in recent years would be arrested for
future violations, not simply given a summons. The NYPD says Morrison’s problem
was an arrest for robbery two years before, which led to an assault charge
(Morrison says the incident was an altercation in a store). Still, he'd served
his time.
So, for putting out a cigarette
in the wrong place, combined with the long memory of the law concerning an
earlier transgression, he spent about 48 hours in jail, losing a day’s pay at
work in the process.
“It really sucked, to tell you
the truth,” he says, “going through the system for something I’d already paid
for.”
Observing the system
Morrison’s is one of the stories
collected in a new report by the Police Reform Organizing Project, a criminal
justice advocacy group.
PROP conducted a number of “court
monitoring” sessions of mostly misdemeanor and violation cases starting in
2014, according to director Bob Gangi. Observing 1,880 cases in Manhattan,
Brooklyn, the Bronx and Queens, PROP found that 91% of the defendants were
“people of color.”
Gangi says the “vast majority”
received adjournments in contemplation of dismissal — basically a warning — or
received time served plus a fine or community service. Meaning, the court
didn’t find it necessary to lock these people up further for public safety or
the like.
PROP did not observe Morrison’s
case, but Morrison approached them recently to add his experience to the list.
Morrison, who is a stagehand,
grew up and lives near Lincoln Center. He said he’s “had some run-ins with the
police.” His conviction records show about a dozen cases, for misdemeanors and
a few low-level felonies — mostly from when he was a younger man. His life
"changed a lot," he says, when he had children; he now has two
daughters.
Often he felt that cops had it
out for him when he was young, for being young and black — he remembers being
accosted by police while trying to get on the subway once as a boy, accused of
"preparing to steal a ladies purse." He said he had his coins in his
hand to pay for the ride.
But history was against him on
the day of that subway arrest. Any earlier transgressions were behind him, both
in his own estimation and legally — sentences filled, paid fines, completed community
service. “I paid my dues for all of them,” he says. Still, the past turned a
cigarette toss into a ticket to jail.
The potential for change
Morrison’s experience is sadly
typical: A small offense can pull an individual into the criminal justice system
and impact his or her life.
Summons reforms in Brooklyn,
Manhattan, Queens and Staten Island and criminal justice reform bills before
the City Council, along with the NYPD’s court-mandated curtailing of
stop-and-frisk, all aim to break the cycles that keep low-level offenders in
the criminal justice system.
But much depends on the focus of
the police department, which decides where to marshal its forces and angle its
attention. That is abundantly clear from Morrison’s case: earlier this month,
the NYPD began a new pilot program (confined to the MTA system) through which
so-called transit recidivists are not automatically arrested for violations
such as such as cigarette smoking on the subway or feet up on a seat. They’ll
receive a summons. It’s too late for Morrison, but it makes one thing clear:
police strategy is crucial to any reform efforts.
Morrison says he can understand
police officers being vigilant in the subways — protecting against terrorists
and slashers, for example. “They want to crack down on random violence,” he
says, “but with that dragnet, they’re catching a lot of good people as well.”
Morrison says some common sense
could be in order — searching people’s bags for weapons, feeling out the
situation. Not just arresting people because it’s allowed.
The only thing Morrison has
learned from the encounter? “I make it a point to put out my cigarette way
before now.”
Off-duty
Oakland cop charged in wrong-house case
OAKLAND COP CHARGED: An off-duty
Oakland police officer has been charged with four misdemeanors for an alleged
drunken assault after he showed up at the wrong house while looking for a
party.
Cullen William Faeth was charged
with two counts of battery and one count each of trespassing and public
intoxication in connection with an incident on Dec. 7, Alameda County
prosecutors said today.
It all started at Monaghan's Bar in the
Oakland hills.
Sources say a group of off-duty
Oakland police officers was drinking when they decided to go to one of the
officer's homes about a mile away.
But Faeth apparently got left
behind and got lost on the way there. He ended up on the wrong street and
showed up at a home belonging to a woman who works as an Alameda County deputy
probation officer.
Faeth, allegedly drunk, was
charged with battering the woman and her husband while trespassing on their
property.
According to an Oakland police
statement of probable cause, Faeth battered the woman by "taking her to
the ground by body force. Faeth refused to leave their property and was
intoxicated in a public place."
Faeth and three other officers
who had been together that night were placed on administrative leave.
The department has indicated that
it no longer wants several officers on the force in connection with that
incident.
In a statement today, the
department said an internal affairs investigation had been completed.
"The Oakland Police
Department takes all allegations of misconduct involving our employees
seriously," the department said. "We hold all of our employees to a
high level of ethical and professional accountability and will not tolerate
criminal behavior."
Oakland civil rights attorney
John Burris has filed a claim against the city. The claim is a legal precursor
to a formal lawsuit.
The alleged victim, who wished
only to be identified as Mrs. Cortez, said she and her husband were home at the
time with their two teenage daughters at the time of the incident.
The mother described being in the
shower when she heard knocking on the door that became incessantly louder. She
eventually and abruptly exited the shower to answer the door. At least one officer was described as being
“very aggressive”, while another officer was said to have gone to the back
yard.
Mrs. Cortez said she and her
family were traumatized by the ordeal.
"I told my kids to go back
inside," Cortez told reporters at a news conference with Burris. "And
they were crying. And they were really afraid."
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