on sale now at amazon

on sale now at amazon
"I don't like this book because it don't got know pictures" Chief Rhorerer

“It’s becoming a disturbingly familiar scene in America - mentally unstable cops”

“It’s becoming a disturbingly familiar scene in America - mentally unstable cops”
“It’s becoming a disturbingly familiar scene in America - mentally unstable cops”

Police Bully Family Farm Over ‘Black Lives Matter’ Sign




The police union at the Fairfax Fraternal Order of Police Lodge 77 called for a boycott of the family business, according to local WUSA.

By M. David for Counter Current News and
S. Wooten

Virginia police couldn’t believe a local family farm would have the audacity to post a “black lives matter” sign on their window. Far from just a statement, the phrase has come to indicate support not just for the idea that black lives matter just like all other lives, but also for the wave of police accountability protests by the activist group by the same name.
The police union at the Fairfax Fraternal Order of Police Lodge 77 called for a boycott of the family business, according to local WUSA.
But the call against Cox Farms backfired dramatically.
First of all, the sign was posted in the window of one of the family farm’s private homes. But even this personal expression of support for police accountability activism was too much for the local cops.

The Fairfax FOP referred to the sign as “disturbing and disappointing” in their Facebook post. Backlash and public outcry later led them to remove the post.
“This is a time in which law enforcement is the target for criticism for almost everything they do and officers are constantly questioned by the public and the media without the benefit of all the facts,” the FOP post read. “The presence of this sign at Cox’s Farms helps perpetuate this kind of behavior and judgment. I know you have heard it about a million times but the truth is that ‘All Lives Matter.’”
The community rallied behind Cox Farms which is known and loved by the community as a place to pick pumpkins and take autumn taking tractor rides.
But the police said that the business should be boycotted because of their “baseless criticism” of the police.
Gina Cox, the owner of Cox Farms, said they have the right to post whatever signs they want on their home or place of business.
“It’s her private property and she can put up any political sign she wants to in her yard,” she explained to local WUSA. “We treasure our relationship with our local police force, it’s not anything against them at all.”
Now, residents are accusing the police department of bullying and intimidation.
“The Facebook post they made, which was removed because of the unprecedented public outrage towards their attempt to bully a local landmark and beloved destination, further reinforces the lack of trust in the Fairfax County Police Department,” a local Cop Block community activist Mike Curtis, told the station.
The FOP president, Brad Carruthers, said said that they backed off of the family because it was the “wiser course of action.”
“The phrase ‘black lives matter,’ which was initially associated with the positive intentions of creating better connections within communities and encouraging education and dialogue on issues of race, has unfortunately also been used more recently to incite violence against law enforcement officers, which is why it has negative connotations for us,” Caruthers stated. “My hope is that the situation will improve and we will forge better bonds and a better partnership within our communities.”
But Black Lives Matter activist Erika Totten said to WUSA. “It’s not an attack on individual officers; it’s a movement to highlight the structural oppression Black people face in this country. When Black men, women and children are dying in the street at the hands of a law enforcement officer every 28 hours, when most of the people incarcerated are there for non violent crimes, when a Black boy can be assaulted for using the ATM and for making gentrifies uncomfortable, how can we not begin the conversation on how to eradicate racial bias in our criminal justice system.”



Police union head calls for boycott of pumpkin patch over 'Black Lives Matter' sign
By Justin Jouvenal October 15 

The head of a Fairfax County police union called for a boycott of a popular pumpkin patch because a “Black Lives Matter” sign was displayed in the window of a home nearby.
Brad Carruthers, president of Fairfax Fraternal Order of Police Lodge 77, said he would not patronize Centreville’s Cox Farms and urged others to do the same in a lengthy message posted on the union's Facebook page on Tuesday. Carruthers has since removed the post, writing that its intent was misrepresented and some of the dozens of angry comments that were left on it were inflammatory.
In the initial message, Carruthers posted a photo of the sign and wrote that displaying it was a “slap in the face” to the Fairfax County police.
“When Black Lives Matter emerged, it was a small group trying to do the right thing,” Carruthers said in an interview. “The fact of the matter is it seemed like that movement got hijacked toward anti-police sentiments.”
Carruthers added he felt some Black Lives Matter activists had helped foment violence toward police officers across the country.

Mike Curtis, the founder of police watchdog group Northern Virginia Cop Block, blasted Carruthers’s call for a boycott and circulated the Facebook post.
“I think they use things like this to create a false war on cops,” Curtis said. “They want to create the impression they are under attack from everyone. Cox Farms works hand-in-hand with the police.”
Erika Totten, a Black Lives Matter activist in D.C., said she views the post as an effort at “intimidation and control.” She said she also thought it was “odd” for Carruthers to focus on a small business.
The owners of Cox Farms issued a statement about the boycott on Thursday.
“We have always believed that we had a very positive relationship with our local police department,” the family wrote on Facebook. “We have contracted FCPD officers to provide security for our festival for over a decade. We have supported their fundraising efforts, donated to their Police Unity tour, employed their children, and offered discounts to officers on our Public Servants Weekends. Neither our family nor our business is anti-cop, and we are absolutely anti-violence, against anyone. For this reason, we were especially surprised that the FOP and so many local officers jumped on the call to boycott our business and make such hateful accusations against us via social media.”
Carruthers wrote in the initial Facebook post that an off-duty Fairfax County police officer had noticed the sign when he was at the farm with his family. Carruthers called the sign “disturbing and disappointing.”
“This is a time in which law enforcement is the target for criticism for almost everything they do and officers are constantly questioned by the public and the media without the benefit of all the facts,” the Facebook post read. “The presence of this sign at Cox’s Farm helps perpetuate this kind of behavior and judgment. I know you have heard it all about a million times but the truth is that ‘All Lives Matter.’

Carruthers finished by writing: “I hope you will join me and my police family and make a choice to go somewhere else to enjoy your family fun this fall, where you will not be confronted by such baseless criticism and judgment.”
Carruthers wrote that the sign was displayed in the window of one of the farm's management buildings, but a comment posted from the Cox Farms Facebook account said the building was a private residence of one of the farm’s owners and was not on the farm’s property.
The post drew strong reactions from hundreds of commenters on Facebook.
“Thanks for being completely out of touch with the rest of society,” one person wrote.
Others defended Carruthers. “I agree with this police department — you can't have it both ways,” another wrote. “You can't expect extra help from your local police and post propaganda from a group calling for police deaths.BOYCOTT COX FARM. There are plenty of other places to take your kids that are a good example.”
Fairfax County Police Chief Edwin C. Roessler Jr. said Carruthers had the right to free speech, but was not speaking on behalf of the department.
“I'm a neighbor of Cox Farms,” Roessler said. “That sign does not offend me. The sanctity of human life is paramount in our profession.”

 







Why don't we have this in Fairfax County?


RIGHT TO KNOW ACT
Legislation to Prevent Discriminatory & Abusive Policing and
Improve Communication & Accountability Between NYPD and New Yorkers
About the Legislation 
The Right To Know Act is a legislative package that aims to protect the civil and human rights of New Yorkers while promoting communication, transparency and accountability in everyday interactions between the NYPD and the public.  New Yorkers want to live in a safe city where the police treat all residents with dignity and respect, and where police are not considered to be above the law.
The Right To Know Act includes the following legislation:
 Requiring NYPD officers to identify themselves (Intro 182)
New Yorkers should have the right to know the identity of police officers that interact with them, and the reason for law enforcement activity that prompts those interactions.  Intro 182 would:
•           Require officers to identify themselves and provide the officer's name, rank, command and a phone number for the Civilian Complaint Review Board at the end of police encounters that do not result in an arrest or summons.
•           Require officers to provide the specific reason for their law enforcement activity (e.g. vehicle search, stop-and-frisk)
All too often, New Yorkers have no idea why they’re being questioned, stopped or searched by a police officer.  NYPD policy already requires that officers provide their name, rank, shield number and command when asked.  However, in many instances, officers do not identify themselves to members of the public and many individuals report fear of asking for the identity of an officer for fear of retaliation.  Research suggests that in the absence of anonymity, officers are less likely to engage in abusive or discourteous behavior. New Yorkers should have the right to know the identity of police officers that interact with them.
 Similar laws exist in other jurisdictions and the U.S. Department of Justice has made adoption of similar policies a requirement in consent decrees entered into with the City of New Orleans and the Puerto Rico Police Department.
 Protecting New Yorkers against unconstitutional searches (Intro 541)
New Yorkers should have the right to know that under the US constitution, searches without any legal basis (such as probable cause or a warrant) do not have to be agreed to, and they should have the assurance that this right will be respected and upheld by police. Intro 541 would:
•           End the practice of the NYPD deceiving New Yorkers into consenting to unnecessary and unjustified searches
•           Require officers to explain that a person has the right to refuse a search when there is no legal justification for a search
•           Require officers to obtain objective proof that an individual gave informed and voluntary consent to a search, when there is no legal justification for the search
NYPD officers routinely conduct searches without legal justification other than an individual’s assumed “consent”.  Too often, that is achieved by misleading New Yorkers into giving “consent” by simply ordering them to empty their pockets or open up their bags, without informing them that they do not have to agree. Most New Yorkers are unaware that they have the right to refuse such “consent” searches when the officer has no warrant, probable cause to believe they committed a crime, or other legal justification. The rights of New Yorkers to provide informed and voluntary consent to searches, and to decline such consent when there is no legal justification, should be protected.
 Similar laws exist in other jurisdictions and the U.S. Department of Justice has made adoption of similar policies a requirement in consent decrees entered into with the City of New Orleans and the Puerto Rico Police Department. Some states have banned consent searches altogether due to their racially discriminatory impact.

Oh bullshit, Sharon


This commission was  a way for Sharon Show me the money Bulova, and her cronies that we keep electing to the board of supervisors, to do nothing about the Punk-predictors on the Fairfax County Police force and the police problems in general while looking like they actually did something…why do you think she put the media on the commission?
This is government worker think at its best.

Again…again….again…this is a simple problem and can be resolved in just a few steps;
Put body cameras on the cops.  The cops aren’t very bright and as result they do stupid things and make dumb life decisions….like becoming cops, smart people don’t work as policemen, that’s not my fault, its just the way it is. Put body cameras on them will reduce everything that’s wrong with the Fairfax County Police because, generally, they’ll stop doing stupid things.

Make the body camera tapes available to the public.

Force the county to insure each cop. When a cop has too many complaints against him or her, the insurance company will pull their bond and they won’t be able to work and we get rid of bad cops.

We pay these clowns twice what their worth. It’s our dime. Force them to get a bachelor’s degree in something….anything….within five years of being hired by us to work on OUR police department.  

Fire the idiot chief of police and never hire another chief from within the ranks of OUR police department again.

Cut their budget. Do they really need almost half billion dollars year?




Draft report on Fairfax police practices calls for culture of transparency
 Review Commission began its work developing recommendations about the county’s police
The commission came about after the death of John Geer of Springfield in 2013. An unarmed Geer was shot by Officer Adam Torres while standing on his doorstep. A special grand jury recently indicted Torres on a second-degree murder charge.
A final report, which includes nearly 40 pages of recommendations, will be presented to the County Board of Supervisors on Oct. 20. The board will then hold public hearings on it before it decides on implementing any, some or all of the recommendations.
The commission — established by Sharon Bulova, chairman of the Fairfax County Board of Supervisors — is made up of current and former members of law enforcement, county officials and community members, among others.
It’s really been a huge amount of work in a relatively short period of time, Bulova said.
Topics commissioners reviewed included communications, recruitment, independent oversight and investigations, use of force, as well as mental health and crisis intervention training.
The final report calls for a culture of transparency at the police department. Recommendations also encourage the use of body cameras for police officers and training for more police officers that may respond to situation involving a person suffering from mental illness.
Geer’s death raised questions about how well the police department is able to police itself.  The department drew further criticism after it took 18 months to release any information about the investigation into the shooting.
The commission is calling for independent oversight of police shooting investigations in which a person is badly hurt or killed. The final report is expected recommend that the Board of Supervisors to create and staff the Office of Independent Police Auditor, which will look into investigations involving officers. The report also calls for a Civilian Review Panel, which can review internal affairs investigations of alleged abuse of authority or serious misconduct by officers.
I think it’s affordable, I think it’s all very doable and I think that’s going to be important in getting it passed through the board of supervisors, said Jeff Stewart of the recommendations. Stewart witnessed the shooting of Geer, who was his friend.
Some in attendance expressed concern that board wouldn’t adopt many of the recommendations.
I would never create a commission like this without intending to follow through on their recommendations, Bulova said.
Michael Hershman, the commission’s chairman, says he is hopeful but says getting the recommendations implemented will be the biggest hurdle.

We want to make sure that the changes that we recommend are actually implemented and then are sustainable regardless of who the leadership is in the future, said Hershman.




WE DON'T WANT TO THANK THE FOLLOWING COMPANIES FOR UNDERWRITING THE COP KLAN RALLY THIS SUMMER, YOU MADE A BAD SITUATION WORSE.

THANKS FOR NOTHING 








And the Fairfax County Cops get away with it once again




A video posted 15 second video online of a Fairfax County cop using a stun gun during an arrest has triggered an internal inquiry into the cop’s use of force. The Fairfax County Police investigated the cop and …wait for it…..found him innocent of any wrong doing!
 ‘This is a very, very short snippet of information.  We don’t know everything that led up to the event.  We don’t know everything that happened after,” says Fairfax County Police 2nd Lt. Brooke Wright in a stupid statement….in other words there is a reason to stun gun a man for no reason at all.  
The cop hasn’t been identified of course nor will he ever be.
Elton Cansler stole a pair of cheap sunglasses from a bank. The bank called the police. 
The cops saw Cansler hanging around a 7-11 across from the bank. The cop drove up to Cansler and reported that “Cansler immediately put his hands in his front pockets.” No one else saw that except the cop.
The cop, according to witness, was highly agitated and nervous and screamed at Cansler to remove his hands from his front pockets and asked him if he taken the sunglasses.
Cansler took his hands out of his pockets and said that he had taken the sunglasses.
So, so far, the young man, took some sunglasses, walked across the street and stood around, followed the cop’s orders and admitted he had committed a crime.
The cops says he saw a knife clipped, in full view, on Canslers pant pocket.
The knife was not hidden.
Cansler compiled with the angry cop.
Cansler did not try to flee.
The cop asked where the sunglasses were and Cansler told him and tried to move to get the sunglasses…the cop told him not to move but Cansler reached into his back pocket and handed over the sunglasses.
After that point the cop version of reality and what several witnesses saw vary greatly.
The cop says Cansler resisted his efforts to be handcuffed. Witness say the cop gave a series of conflicting orders to the man.
As the film shows, Canslers had his back to cop as he was commanded to do and the cop tasered to the ground…over a pair of sunglasses
Remarkably Cansler AND NOT THE COP was arrested for assault.
 The videographer told the Washington Post that he watched the man walking down the sidewalk; then a cop “pulled up, blocked his way.” So he got his cell phone and starting filming, returning to the scene just as the cop took out his Taser. Another cop forced him to stop taping the interaction. Afterward, he posted it on Facebook.
In the witness’ opinion, there didn’t appear to be any immediate reason for the cop to use his stun gun on this man, telling Fox 5 “He told him to turn around. He turned around he complied. And boom he popped out his Taser and he shot at him …”
Another witness said “A gentleman just happened to be walking down the sidewalk and the cop pulls up in front of him and tells him to turn over. And as soon as he has his back turned toward him, he Tasers him. He didn’t see it coming. He did not try to run or nothing. That was wrong. How the police, unless he was wanted. But if he was wanted, the guy didn’t have to Taser him like he did.”



Video Shows Fairfax County Officer Using Stun Gun, People Question Use o...

disarming the cops

About half of the cops in the US joined the police out of Dominate Father-Penis envy issues and having official sanction to carry a gun does a lot for them in dealing with those issues. These are the thugs who shoot people, with a reason and without a reason. Take away their guns and this type of loon will stop applying to the police. Here’s some ways to do that.   

Alternatives to Bullets
From liquids that smell like dead animals to high-temperature heat rays, the present and future of non-lethal weapons.

By ELI HAGER
In the wake of recent high-profile police shootings, manufacturers of non-lethal weapons have seized on the opportunity to sell devices they say might have saved the lives of Michael Brown, Walter Scott, Tamir Rice, and many others. Companies with names like Micron Products, Alternative Ballistics, and Bruzer Less Lethal International are now a part of the decades-old field of less-lethal weapons — also called “compliance” or “pacification” devices — offering everything from bullets that don’t penetrate to devices that slow bullets down.
“I just looked out there and there wasn’t anything that really would have been practical and useful in a tense one-on-one situation like in Ferguson,” says Christian Ellis, the CEO of Alternative Ballistics, which tried to sell one such device to the Ferguson police department. “That’s why we got into this business.”
Police officers, for their part, already have less-lethal tools on their belts — nightsticks, pepper spray, and TASERs — and some feel that the additional options are not much more useful despite their variety and complexity. “It’s like comparing phone plans,” says Sid Heal, former commander in the L.A.P.D. and an expert on less-lethal force.
Whatever the future holds for these alternatives, police departments already have, in recent years, added a few gentler tools to their arsenals. Below, an inventory of some of those tools, as well as a look at what might flood the market soon.

Bean Bags
A sock-shaped pouch filled with lead, silicone, or rubber balls, fired from a shotgun. The pouch expands in the air for wider impact.
Approximate cost: $4.50 to $6.50 per round.
When it’s most useful: Anytime a person is "noncompliant" but far away and "not yet a direct threat," says Steve Ijames, the police chief in Republic, Mo. and an expert on less-lethal force.
Effect on target: Pain, muscle spasms, and temporary immobility, but no penetration of the skin.
Why it’s appealing: It’s inexpensive.
Potential downsides: Unless a shotgun containing bean bags is adequately marked in a different color (usually orange), it can easily be confused with a shotgun loaded with real shells, which police call "cross-contamination" and has repeatedly causeddeaths, according to the National Institute of Justice. Even if the correct gun is used, there is a risk of serious or deadly injury if the bean bag is fired at the head — and it’s difficult to avoid hitting the head, face, throat, or center of the chest "when a person is twisting or running around," says Heal.
Where it’s used: Different versions of bean bags have existed for over three decades, and are perhaps the most widely-used non-lethal weapon outside of the TASER, pepper spray, and nightstick. As the technology has evolved (from a flatter, squarer bag that was inaccurate as a projectile and sometimes failed to expand properly mid-air), it has become significantly less dangerous.

Blunt-Impact Projectiles
Plastic bullets (37 mm or 40 mm) capped with gel, silicone, or foam, fired from a single-shot gas launcher or giant revolver. The bullets are designed to flatten upon impact. They can also be filled with pepper spray or liquids that smell like fecal matter, rotten eggs, or dead animals, to further repel the suspect.
Approximate cost: $350 to $1200 for the gun, $25 per round.
When it’s most useful: Subduing a potentially violent suspect from a distance, and when the officer has time to get a large, specialized weapon out of the trunk.
Effect on target: Severe, blunt pain.
Why it’s appealing: The projectiles have a soft, wide surface of impact and should not be able to pierce through skin or injure internal organs.
Potential downsides: Very expensive and only useful at long range; also liable to cause serious or deadly injury if fired at the head, neck, or chest.
Where it’s used: The newest version has already been purchased by at least 16 law-enforcement agencies, including the SWAT teams in L.A. County and Sacramento.

Pepperballs
Small (.68-inch), round, plastic balls filled with synthetic capsaicin powder, the active ingredient in chili peppers. A paintball-style gun rapidly fires the balls, which explode after hitting any surface, releasing the powder.
Approximate cost: $150 to $300 for a paintball gun or $250 to $500 for a brand-name PepperBall gun; $3 to $5 per round.
When it’s most useful: Indoors (including in jails and other correctional situations), when the officer can aim at walls and ceilings to release the pepper powder.
Effect on target: Puffy, watery, stinging eyes; runny nose; difficulty breathing; and coughing.
Why it’s appealing: One of the few alternatives that doesn't need to make direct contact with the target — police can shoot it anywhere nearby, and the effect of the capsaicin powder will be the same. However, cops’ training and instincts often cause them to aim for "center mass," says Heal. According to Ijames, the pepperballs "beg a shot to the upper body, because the officer wants to make sure the suspect gets the worst of the pepper."
Potential downsides: The round shape of a pepperball is relatively unstable as it flies through the air, and because of "trajectory degradation," it is not nearly as accurate as a sleek, pointed bullet.
Where it’s used: Most famously used in 1999 during the “Battle of Seattle” anti-WTO riots. In 2004, the Boston Police Department accidentally killed a 21-year-old college student who was celebrating the Red Sox's World Series victory — by firing a pepperball at her eye.

“The Alternative”
An orange metal attachment that an officer can quickly clip onto the barrel of his handgun before firing a shot. The clip-on “catches” the bullet — like an airbag — making it fly about one-fifth as fast.
Approximate cost: $45 per unit.
When it’s most useful: Anytime an officer needs to fire his regular service weapon but does not want the shot to be deadly, and has time to attach this device.
Effect on target: Instead of penetrating and potentially killing the suspect, the slowed-down bullet only knocks him down. “But it might break ribs and it feels like getting hit in the chest with a hammer,” says Ellis, the CEO of the company that manufactures the product.
Why it’s appealing: The Alternative is a compact device that is relatively easy to incorporate into everyday use. The officer can take the clip-on from his belt and attach it to his handgun.
Potential downsides: According to Heal, one “weapons platform” should deliver only one type of force — either lethal or non-lethal. Combining the two on the same gun, he says, is inherently dangerous: What if the officer instinctively “double-taps” (pulls the trigger twice), as most police are trained to do? The result would be the firing of a lethal round right after the non-lethal one has already been discharged.
Where it’s used: A month after the shooting of Michael Brown, the assistant chief of Ferguson's police department took to Google, searching for a less-lethal option for cops. He came up with The Alternative, but after a group of experts sent a letter saying how dangerous they believed the device was, Ferguson has stopped considering it.

“The XREP”
Manufactured until 2012 by TASER International, the XREP is essentially a long-range, wireless version of the traditional TASER, firing plastic shells that each contain sharpened electrodes, a battery, a transmitter, and a microprocessor. When a shell hits the suspect, the electrodes are released and pierce through clothes and skin, releasing up to 50,000 volts of electricity for 20 seconds.
Approximate cost: Over $1,000 for the launcher, $100 per round.
When it’s most useful: For incapacitating people from a distance.
Effect on target: Muscles contract uncontrollably, causing the person to freeze and fall to the ground. And if the person attempts to pull out the electrodes, a circuit is created, spreading the effect.
Why it’s appealing: Like a TASER, the XREP can effectively subdue a person who is suicidal or under the influence of drugs, or otherwise has a high threshold for pain. And unlike a TASER, the XREP can be fired from a distance.
Potential downsides: The XREP’s high cost is its main downside. But, like TASER products, it could be dangerous: According to a 2013 report by Amnesty International, the TASER has caused more than 500 deaths in the United States since 2001.
Where it’s been used: TASER discontinued the XREP back in 2012, because it was expensive and “departments just weren’t buying it,” says TASER spokesperson Steve Tuttle. But several police departments around the country still have the XREP, and few use it occasionally. It was used in March by cops in Albuquerque, N.M., against a mentally-ill person.

“ML-12” Less-Lethal Launcher
A two-shot pistol that shoots most types of less-lethal ammunition (bean bags, pepper rounds, rubber balls, flares, etc.).
When it’s most useful: Close or hand-to-hand confrontations, at traffic stops, in small rooms.
Approximate cost: $549 for the launcher and holster, $4 to $7 per round.
Effect on target: Depends on the type of round.
Why it’s appealing: This is a weapon that the officer can wear on his/her belt and have on hand in any situation.
Potential downsides: It only fires two shots, and two-thirds of use-of-force encounters require an officer to fire more than twice, according to the National Institute of Justice.
Where it’s used: Tommy Teach, the founder of Bruzer Less Lethal International, the company that markets the ML-12, says it has been purchased by over a hundred "small, rural police departments — who prefer it to the TASER because of its lower cost."

“Active Denial System”
Designed by the military, the ADS, also known as the “pain ray,” is shaped like a satellite dish and shoots an invisible, 95 GHz wave of heat at the suspect — similar to the waves inside a microwave.
How it would be used: To stop, deter, and force the retreat of a person who is approaching too aggressively.
Effect on target: Heats the skin to 130° Fahrenheit in under two seconds, causing excruciating, quickly unbearable pain.
Why it’s appealing: The ADS has been thoroughly researched by the Department of Defense, and after 13,000 tests on human subjects, there have been only two serious injuries and no lasting side effects, according to the Pentagon.
Potential downsides: The ADS is very large; the existing model is designed to be mounted on top of a humvee or military-sized vehicle. Police would need a much smaller version with less range but greater portability (and one that doesn’t take half a day to boot up). The ACLU has also called the ADS a torture device.
Status: Available to the military in Afghanistan for deterring individuals who were getting too close to U.S. troops, the ADS was considered for use at the Pitchess Detention Center in Los Angeles County to disrupt assaults and fights. The National Institute of Justice has long considered developing a smaller, handheld version — to be used by law enforcement.



WE FOUND JOHN FAUST UNDER HIS DESK AND ASKED HIM...


what he thought about the Fairfax County police investigation a Fairfax County cop for tasering a man from behind for no reason and even though its on film FINDING THE COP INNOCENT..


Faust said "Please I don't want problems. I just want to go to store opening and cut ribbons and collect a fat check and pretty do nothing and say nothing against police injustice in the county  for another four year"




Fairfax officer free on bond after child porn charges

    THINK ANYONE ELSE WOULD GET A BOND IN A CASE LIKE THIS?
    
    WELL THINK AGAIN, YANKEE 

     YA'LL 'S IN DIXIE NOW SON, WE GOTS OUR WAYS A DO'N THINGS DOWN HERE SON.   



Fairfax County public information officer and school resources officer William "Bud" Walker posted a $10,000 bond Thursday in a child porn case.
The judge set a trial date – Nov. 16 to Nov. 18.

Walker will have no computer use – a special condition of his release requested by prosecutors.

Walker worked for the Fairfax County Police Department for 15 years.


Irony at its best


Elated over investigating another guilty Fairfax County Cop in the taser incident

and once again finding the investigated cop innocent of any wrong doing and with no public official who has the integrity to question their findings and with a press that serves on Police commissions, the Fairfax County Police went on an award giving ceremony today.




















THE LONG, SWEET LOVE AFFAIR BETWEEN COPS AND DOUGHNUTS


BY CARA GIAIMO / 18 SEP 2015
We've got a situation.

It’s a scene procedural writers probably see in their sleep—a burglar (or bank robber, or other ne’er-do-well) slides open a window, grabs the jewels, and high-tails it, leaving screaming alarm sirens in his wake. The dispatcher gets the call and picks up the radio. Who will stop this menace? Cut to: an officer of the law or two, hanging out in the cruiser or posted up on a corner—and munching on doughnuts.

As the New York Times put it in 1996, “no profession is as closely identified with food as police work is with doughnuts.” Amid interviews with real officers, the article cites a Letterman sketch, The Simpsons, and an Ice Cube song as proof. These days, this trope is so stale you’re more likely to see scenes making fun of it—the Law & Order episode in which terrorists leave explosives in a doughnut box, or Wreck-it Ralph’s pastry police officers, Wynchel and Duncan. Even Special Agent Cooper’s glazed-eyed reverence for the treat plays, like everything else in Twin Peaks, a little camp.

But every cliché was born (or fried) for a reason. A cowboy needs a horse, a fireman needs a dalmatian, and a doctor needs a stethoscope. But why does a cop need a doughnut?
  
The common-sense response traces this tradition to the middle of the 20th century, when police departments started switching from foot-based beats to driving ones. Officers working a graveyard shift needed someplace to park the cruiser, fuel up on caffeine and sugar, and maybe fill out some paperwork or make an emergency call. Because doughnut shops had to stay open late to prepare for the morning rush, they fit the bill nicely, explains Michael Krondl in his book The Donut. (As fate would have it, around this same time, two pipin’ fresh chains started sugaring up the night—though they had each started a decade or so earlier, by the late 1950s Krispy Kreme and Dunkin’ Donuts had each sprinkled their half of the country with cop-friendly franchises).

Meanwhile, having officers around made the shop workers feel safe—as early as 1950, one small-time inn owner threatened a larger, litigious hotel chain by boasting, “our High Sheriff and our local troop of state police… help themselves to coffee and doughnuts in my kitchen when the spirit so moves them, which seems about every day.” This foreshadowed a rash of law-enforcement “specials”—enough that a 1964 issue of Police warned its readers, “Do not accept gifts—donuts and coffee. This gives the impression of partiality.” In some small towns, doughnut shops even have desks set aside for policemen who need to work through their breaks. “This symbiotic relationship gave rise to the popular conception of cops being addicted to doughnuts,” writes Zach W. Brown in American Profile.


Many officers have their own personal spin on this tale. There’s the Reno-based patrolman who caffeinated at a casino until the local doughnut shop owner intervened, and the female captain who needed someplace to use the restroom because she couldn’t just unzip and let rip like her colleagues. Beyond the convenient infrastructure, there is the food itself: the sugar, carbohydrates, and fat provide a triple-shot of energy that’s welcome halfway through a long night of patrolling. As former Philadelphia police chief Frank Rizzo recalls, “You got out there, walked around, rolled in the streets with criminals, and burned the calories off.” Doughnuts are ready right away, unlike even 24-hour diner food, and they come in a bunch of varieties (Lou Clark of the Oakland Police Department told Krondl that in the early ‘60s, superiors would play “guess-the-flavor” if cops returned to the station with stains on their shirts). Plus, they’re cheap, “so they can be discarded with little guilt in case of a hot call in the middle of a snack break,” one policeman points out. Add all this up and the appeal is obvious. Some departments even call them "power rings."

Stare harder into the hole, though, and the cop-doughnut relationship isn’t just a marriage of convenience—it’s deeper than that. In fact, we’ve officially stuffed the protecting-and-serving citizens of our country with sugary pastries since at least World War I, when the Salvation Army sent female volunteers to France to cook doughnuts and bring them to the front. The originator of this tradition, a young ensign named Helen Purviance, knelt before a potbelly stove to make the first batch in a frying pan. “There was also a prayer in my heart that somehow this home touch would do more for those who ate the doughnuts than satisfy a physical hunger,” she said later. For a while, U.S. soldiers were actually called “doughboys,” and though they may have originally gotten this nickname some other way, the millions of doughnuts certainly didn’t hurt.

By 1927, American veterans holed up in France were demanding so many breakfast doughnuts that the French had to send for bigger frying kettles. When the Red Cross jumped on the bandwagon during World War II, they churned out so many they started charging for them, a (quickly overturned) decision that has earned them decades of enmity from the armed forces. Though it was solidified in the war, this tradition of doughnuts-as-care goes back even further—in a November 1898 New York Times article about a Thanksgiving party for an NYC regiment, a volunteer cook describes serving “home-made doughnuts” to the hungry soldiers. “No store doughnuts for our troops,” she says.

After the wars ended, the returning soldiers took their taste for doughnuts back with them—and the relief organizations did the same with their taste for giving them away, quickly making them a staple of various disaster-relief efforts, where they filled the stomachs of victims and rescuers alike—including policemen. Somewhere in the modern cop-doughnut partnership, there’s a crumb of this original gesture of care.

In a 2012 interview, theorist Lauren Berlant spoke of how contemporary working life “puts pressure on... small pleasures to sustain our survival.” A doughnut is among the smallest of pleasures, but the sustenance it provides to a working police officer is literal, social and emotional. Unlike their wartime counterparts, police officers don’t have strict front lines—they go where the conflict is—but doughnut shops, identical and always open, provide areas of reliable respite. (When zones do grow more defined, so does this parallel; the center of Boston locked down after the 2013 Boston Marathon Bombings, but a few local Dunks stayed open, at police officers’ requests.)

“When we’re in a stakeout with another unit, we bring a dozen doughnuts just to break the ice,” New York City Detective Tom F. Weiner Jr. told the Times. One group of Michigan officers, blue at the prospect of their local bakery closing, pooled their money and bought it. It’s now a 24-hour community hotspot called—what else—Cops & Doughnuts. There you can get cinnamon-twist “Night Shifts” and lemon-filled “Tasers.” In early September, a customer at San Francisco’s Happy Donuts caught two police officers sitting at a table and joking about police shootings—proof that the sense of camaraderie in a doughnut shop can glaze over common sense. Even police who eschew doughnuts talk about the choice in terms of their responsibilities, both to themselves and others. Doughnuts are a headline-punchline in ubiquitous articles about police fitness, often atop stories like this one, in which officers talk to each other about how they overeat when agitated by their jobs. If you can’t bring the box of doughnuts, stories about how you wanted to eat the whole thing will suffice.
Protesters dangling donuts in front of riot cops in Montreal. 

To those who already distrust law enforcement, pointing out the doughnut connection is a way to smear frosting on the face of the powerful. Protesters have been known to dangle doughnuts on fishing rods in front of riot police, and there’s a Reddit group dedicated to “law enforcement abuse stories” called “Bad Cop No Donut.”

The doughnut may be a one-sided shape, but it’s a many-sided rhetorical weapon. No longer content to merely get their just desserts, police are using doughnuts to give back, too—to show that they understand that in the contemporary world, the protectors sometimes need to prove themselves. These days, cops brandish doughnuts to poke holes in their own mythos and bond with their communities, often simultaneously. They climb pink Dunkin’ Donuts roofs for charity, send patrol horses through the drive-thru, or make sure they’re the first people at the debut of a new shop. Sometimes, the jokes have local flavor—after Oregon legalized marijuana, the Portland Police released a chart comparing different weed amounts to the size of a popular regional doughnut. (If you’re carrying more than one doughnut’s worth, you’re over the limit). The website Police Daily collects photos of cops chowing down, often with big, self-aware smiles.

“One thinks of policing as a sort of disciplinary, paternal, stern and potentially violent occupation, and doughnuts are fluffy [and] sweet” wrote historian Jim Paradis in an email. “The contrast… makes some effort to humanize the cops, who greatly need humanizing.” The cops are aware of this: Corporal Mark Ivey, who starred in a Wilmington, Pennsylvania Police Department video called “Cops & Donuts: An Explainer,” defended the decision by calling it “a creative way to strengthen the department’s relationship with the community.” “By showing that you can poke fun at yourself, that you can laugh at yourself and that you are just an everyday citizen going out there and doing a difficult job and that you need their help, that's how you can solve this problem," of strained relationships, Ivey said.
That’s a lot of weight for a squishy pastry—even one with the strength of history—but anecdotal evidence reveals cops are upping their dosage. When asked whether police ever visit the store, an employee of Union Square Donuts in Somerville, Massachusetts affirmed. “One came in this morning,” she said. “He got a whole box.”