Head of New York’s Top Court Says Judges Should Oversee Grand Juries in Deaths Involving Police
By JESSE McKINLEY
New York’s top judge proposed on Tuesday that
judges oversee grand juries deliberating police-related killings of civilians
and be granted greater leeway to make the testimony to such juries available to
the public.
In his annual State of the Judiciary address in
Albany, Jonathan Lippman, the chief judge of the Court of Appeals, called the
grand jury system “a relic of another time” that needed overhaul in light of
deadly police encounters, apparently a reference to the case of Eric Garner, an
unarmed man who died after a police chokehold last summer.
In suggesting new legislation, Judge Lippman said
while it was “not my role to defend or decry a particular grand jury decision,”
the system as a whole must be considered fair.
“The grand jury is a vital component of our
judicial system,” Judge Lippman said. “Under the law, it is first and foremost
a part of the court and an institution for which the judiciary is ultimately
responsible.”
Judge Lippman is just the latest of many state
and local leaders to weigh in after the Garner case, in which a grand jury on
Staten Island declined to indict the police officers involved in the
altercation. The decision set off protests and added to a national debate over
the criminal justice system.
Last month, Gov. Andrew M. Cuomo made criminal
justice reform a central tenet of his State of the State address, promising a
seven-point plan, like allowing district attorneys to release information about
grand jury deliberations and appointing a special monitor to review proceedings
and recommend prosecutors.
Attorney General Eric T. Schneiderman, who
attended Judge Lippman’s speech and later praised his proposals, has also
sought new powers to look into killings of unarmed civilians by law enforcement
officers.
Judge Lippman’s ideas would go further — placing
judges squarely in the middle of grand jury activities, something that national
groups say would set New York’s judges apart from jurists in other states.
Josh Marquis, a board member of the National
District Attorneys Association and a district attorney in Oregon, said he felt
such a proposal ventured too far into law enforcement’s terrain.
“The grand jury is not part of the adjudicative
process,” he said. “It’s part of the charging process.”
The proposals face an uncertain future in the
Legislature, with a newly elected Republican majority in the Senate and a
Democrat-dominated Assembly still reeling from a recent change of leadership.
Judge Lippman had a close relationship with Sheldon Silver, the Lower East Side
Democrat who stepped aside as the Assembly speaker this month after his arrest
on federal corruption charges.
The chief judge’s speech garnered mild reactions
in the Capitol.
Mike Whyland, a spokesman for the new speaker,
Carl E. Heastie, said that the proposal merited consideration, and that the
Assembly would convene hearings on criminal justice this year. A spokesman for
the governor noted Mr. Cuomo’s stated commitment to overhauling the grand jury
system, adding, “We will continue to work with all who share in these goals.”
In an
interview on Tuesday, Judge Lippman said that he had not discussed his
proposals with Mr. Heastie or the Republican leader of the Senate, Dean G.
Skelos of Long Island. Senator Skelos did not respond to requests for comment.
Initial reaction from New York City’s largest
police union suggested that Judge Lippman’s proposed legislation was unwelcome.
“Judges already have a duty and responsibility to
review all aspects of grand jury investigations, including instructions for
deliberations given by prosecutors,” said Patrick J. Lynch, president of the
Patrolmen’s Benevolent Association, who called Judge Lippman’s proposals
unnecessary. “The rule of law should apply evenly and fairly to all without
exception. There should not be a separate system of justice for police
officers.”
In Albany, Judge Lippman said that prosecutors
were seen by some as too close to the police to fairly impanel a grand jury
inquiry; he envisioned a much more muscular role for judges, who now offer only
basic guidance. He suggested that judges be physically present in grand jury
rooms in cases of homicide or felony assault of civilians involving the police:
making legal rulings, questioning witnesses and rejecting “inadmissible
evidence or improper questions.” A judge would also be required to “provide
final legal instructions before the grand jury deliberates.”
“This puts the ultimate responsibility for the
grand jury where it belongs — with the court,” he said.
In addition, the chief judge also proposed
lifting “the veil of secrecy,” allowing judges to release information about
grand jury proceedings when they decide not to indict, including the legal
instructions provided and testimony.
Currently, such proceedings are sealed under
state law, so judges have little choice but to deny requests to release
information when a grand jury has declined to indict someone.
Kenneth P. Thompson, a Democrat who is the
district attorney in Brooklyn, offered qualified support for the disclosure
element of Judge Lippman’s proposals, saying he would support releasing the
transcripts of grand jury proceedings in police-involved deaths, “so long as a
court oversees the process to ensure that witnesses are protected.”
For his part, Judge Lippman, who is retiring this
year, said that prosecutors themselves were often unfairly accused of being
biased, typically by community members who believe that the system favors those
in law enforcement, and who are unfamiliar with the intricacies of a
centuries-old grand jury mechanism.
“Let’s face it: Able and dedicated prosecutors
and the grand jury process cannot win in these inherently incendiary
situations,” he said. “Damned if you do and damned if you don’t, no matter how
strict the adherence to fairness and the rule of law.”
James C. McKinley Jr. contributed reporting.
Supervisors should supervise
Judging from Fairfax County
Board of Supervisors Chairman Sharon Bulova’s Feb. 6 letter [“The Fairfax
County Board of Supervisors is committed to justice ”] and Supervisor Michael
R. Frey’s (R-Sully) comments in the Feb. 3 Metro article “Handling of police
shooting criticized,” the job description of a supervisor apparently does not
include the task of supervising county employees, including the police.
To read that the board needs to
hire a consultant, contact the state attorney general and initiate studies to see
what policies are needed to get county management to do their jobs — that is,
supervise — is a clear sign of an organization that does not have a culture of
accountability. The first step for Ms. Bulova and the board is to hold
accountable all managers who have been complicit in this sad situation and make
the hard changes that are clearly necessary.
Fred Walker, Centreville
Fairfax officials seek policy changes amid backlash over Geer shooting
By Antonio Olivo
Fairfax County officials Friday
were preparing to seek bids from private consultants who can recommend changes
in how information is handled in police-involved shootings, the result of a
backlash over the county’s long delay in sharing details behind the John B.
Geer shooting.
County officials will also seek
community input on such cases, said Sharon Bulova, the chair of the board of
supervisors. The process, she said, will likely provoke “hard questions” over
the public’s right to know about fatal police shootings while protecting those
officers’ legal rights.
“I don’t know what the change
would be, I just know there must be places where we can find some examples of
changes we want to make,” said Bulova (D), who consulted with Virginia state
attorney Mark R. Herring (D) over the case on Thursday.
County officials have been in a
period of self-reflection over the 2013 Geer shooting, where police Officer
Adam D. Torres shot an unarmed Geer once in the chest, killing him, during a
confrontation that began as a domestic dispute call outside Geer’s home in
Springfield.
Last week, after refusing to
share details of the shooting for 17 months, the county posted 11,000 pages of
a police investigation on its Web site — some of which contradicted Torres’s
assertion that Geer had been reaching for a gun.
The U.S. Justice Department has
been reviewing the case for more than a year after Commonwealth’s Attorney
Raymond F. Morrogh (D) decided his office couldn’t effectively investigate the
case when Fairfax police refused to turn over some details of the shooting.
Federal prosecutors have yet to decide on whether to file criminal charges
against Torres.
Attorneys for Geer’s family —
which is suing Fairfax police and Chief Edwin C. Roessler Jr. for wrongful
death in Fairfax circuit court — are seeking Torres’s internal-affairs files.
Fairfax Supervisor Jeff McKay
(D-Lee) said the board should have known earlier about the stalemate with
Morrogh’s office, which might have avoided the long delay in sharing details.
The board wasn’t aware the case
would be referred to federal prosecutors until after the fact, McKay said,
though he characterized that outcome as part of routine procedures in dealing
with legal matters.
But, by then, it was locked
into a decision against sharing the case’s details out of worry over
jeopardizing the federal criminal investigation, McKay said.
“We were never given a very
clear indication of what our options are when there is that kind of disagreement
with the commonwealth attorney,” McKay said.
“On a case where someone was
shot and killed, I think you’d want to get the pulse of the board before the
commonwealth attorney kicked [the case] somewhere else,” McKay said. “We were
never given a clear indication of what our options were.”
Antonio covers government,
politics and other regional issues in Fairfax County. He worked in Los Angeles,
New York and Chicago before joining the Post in September of 2013.
Justice clarifies new limits on asset forfeiture involving local, state police
Holder limits police ability to
seize assets
Attorney General Eric Holder is
barring local and state police from using federal law to seize cash, cars and
other property without evidence that a crime occurred. The Post's Robert
O'Harrow Jr. explains the most sweeping check on police power to confiscate
personal property since the seizures began three decades ago. (The Washington
Post)
By Robert O'Harrow Jr. and
Steven Rich February 11
The Justice Department on
Tuesday underscored its intention to curb questionable civil seizures by local
and state police with new rules that require direct involvement and review by
federal authorities before a seizure can be processed under federal law.
The rules, issued as a policy
directive, are aimed at clarifying the scope and application of a Jan. 16 order
by U.S. Attorney General Eric H. Holder Jr. That order prohibited federal
agencies from “adopting” seizures from local and state police into the
department’s asset forfeiture program.
Under the department’s
Equitable Sharing Program, police can keep up to 80 percent of their seizure
proceeds, with the rest going to federal agencies.
A Washington Post investigation
last year found that since 2001, police nationwide have seized $2.5 billion in
cash from almost 62,000 people — without warrants or indictments — that was
forfeited through Equitable Sharing. Thousands of people had to fight long
legal battles to get some or all of their money back.
Holder’s announcement last
month was hailed as a civil liberties triumph. But some critics complained that
“adoptions” accounted for less than 16 percent of the Equitable Sharing seizures
in recent years. They also said that the order left open loopholes that would
enable federal agencies to continue accepting seizures from local and state
police that are labeled as being from drug task forces¬¬ or the result of
“joint investigations.”
Tuesday’s directive makes clear
that the order will have a broader impact than the simple prohibition of
“adoptions” because it also would block an array of seizures — including those
labeled as arising from joint investigations — that have no federal involvement
until after the fact.
It is unclear exactly how many
joint investigation seizures would be prohibited under the new rules. More than
50,000 seizures have been labeled joint investigations since 2008, most of them
claimed by the Drug Enforcement Administration.
The Post examined two dozen
federal asset forfeiture court cases labeled joint investigations and found
that 18 had no apparent federal law enforcement involvement before the seizure.
Tuesday’s directive requires a
new level of review by federal authorities before a seizure can be accepted
into federal asset forfeiture programs. A lawyer from a federal agency, such as
the DEA, will be required to provide written justification for the federal
forfeiture. A federal prosecutor also must endorse the seizure before the
federal government accepts it. Those provisions will take effect March 1.
“Central to the application of
the Attorney General’s order is whether there was federal law enforcement
oversight or participation at the time of seizure by state and local law
enforcement,” the directive said. “To ensure sufficient federal participation
in all seizures that lead to federal forfeiture, an attorney from a federal
agency must provide justification in writing for the federal forfeiture of an
asset that is seized by a state or local law enforcement officer as a task
force or joint investigation seizure.”
The order does not apply to
civil seizures by state and local police pursuant to federal seizure warrants.
Members of the House are set to
hold hearings Wednesday about planned legislative remedies to further restrict
or even abolish federal civil asset forfeiture programs. The House Judiciary
subcommittee on crime, terrorism, homeland security and investigations will
focus on Equitable Sharing. The House Ways and Means subcommittee on oversight
will receive testimony about an Internal Revenue Service program.
Several lawmakers were among
those who praised Holder’s order last month even as they questioned whether it
went far enough. Senate Judiciary Committee Chairman Charles E. Grassley
(R-Iowa) said the directive addressed loopholes left behind by Holder’s order.
“The Justice Department’s
revised guidance expands protections against unnecessary asset seizures and
takes an important step toward limiting the Justice Department’s use of
adoption and equitable sharing,” Grassley said in a statement Tuesday night. “I
appreciate that Attorney General Eric Holder took my concerns about these
exceptions seriously, and I will continue to seek legislative fixes¬ to protect
small-business owners and innocent motorists.”
The Institute for Justice, a
civil libertarian group that specializes in asset forfeiture law, also praised
Holder’s order, but said it did not go far enough. The group said the directive
was open to interpretation that could lead to abuse.
In his announcement last month,
Holder made clear that his order was a first step in a comprehensive review of
federal asset forfeiture programs, indicating that other changes¬ may be
coming.
The uncertainty about the
breadth of the order stemmed in part from the complexity of the regulations and
the way the Justice Department classified local and state agency activity.
Before the new rules, there were two main ways for local and state authorities
to participate in sharing under federal law: adoptions and joint
investigations.
The guidelines said that an
“adoption occurs when a state or local law enforcement agency seizes property
and requests one of the federal seizing agencies to adopt the seizure and
proceed with federal forfeiture.”
Joint investigations were
broadly defined as those that “may originate from participation on a federal
task force or a formal task force comprised of state and local agencies or from
state or local investigations that are developed into federal cases.”
Under Holder’s order, one case
that was labeled as a joint investigation that would now be prohibited involved
Mandrel Stuart of Staunton, Va.
Stuart, a barbecue restaurant
owner, was stopped by Fairfax County officers in August 2012 for driving a car
with tinted windows and having a video playing in his line of sight. He was
detained without charges¬ and ultimately set free, but police seized his money
— $17,550 in cash that he said was for equipment and supplies for his
restaurant.
The officers involved were with
the Fairfax County Police Highway Interdiction Team on Interstate 66. According
to police reports, no federal agents were involved in the seizure.
Two weeks after the seizure, a
DEA agent filled out a form detailing how Fairfax County police made the
seizure. The agent described himself as a DEA task force officer “working with
the Fairfax County Police interdiction unit.” He later listed himself as the
“Seizing Agent” in court filings.
Stuart had to fight the federal
government for a year to get his money back. A jury awarded him legal fees. But
he lost his business because he had no working capital.
Robert O’Harrow Jr. is a
reporter on the investigative unit of The Washington Post. He writes about law
enforcement, national security, federal contracting and the financial world.
Steven Rich is the database
editor for investigations at The Washington Post. While at The Post, he’s
worked on investigations involving tax liens, civil forfeiture, cartels and
government oversight. He was also a member of the reporting team awarded the
Pulitzer for NSA revelations.
Grassley seeks more answers from Fairfax police, DOJ in Geer case
By Tom Jackman February 11
Sen. Charles E. Grassley
(R-Iowa) on Wednesday released two new letters he has sent to the Justice
Department and the Fairfax County Police Department seeking further information
about the investigation into the fatal police shooting of a Springfield man
nearly 18 months ago.
Also on Wednesday, Fairfax
disclosed that it has paid $130,000 to the District law firm Hunton and
Williams to help prepare a response to a November letter Grassley sent to
county police about John B. Geer’s death. No decision has been made on whether
to charge Adam D. Torres, the officer who fired the fatal shot, prompting
Grassley’s inquiries.
The letter sent Tuesday to
Fairfax police asks when they and elected county officials knew that four
officers who were at the scene of the 2013 shooting had contradicted Torres’s
claim that Geer had quickly lowered his hands to his waist before he was shot.
In his letter to Attorney
General Eric H. Holder Jr., the senator asks whether the Justice Department
will share information with Fairfax’s chief prosecutor and whether federal
authorities would object to the county prosecutor’s resuming his investigation.
Grassley’s initial inquiry to
the Justice Department in November helped unlock a torrent of information.
Fairfax Circuit Court Judge Randy I. Bellows cited Justice’s response to
Grassley when he ordered Fairfax police to provide extensive portions of their
investigative file to the Geer family’s attorneys and declined to place the
file under seal. In the response to Grassley’s letter, an assistant attorney
general said Justice had not instructed Fairfax to remain silent on the case.
Last week, Bellows again cited
the Justice Department’s letter to Grassley when he ordered Fairfax to turn
over police internal affairs files on Torres and again declined to impose a
protective order on the material. The judge said he would allow federal
officials to file a motion for a protective order by Feb. 20 if they wanted
internal materials withheld from the public.
Geer, 46, had been involved in
a domestic dispute with his partner of 24 years when police arrived at his
Springfield townhouse Aug. 29, 2013. According to police records, he showed
officers a holstered handgun, placed it at his feet and then kept his hands on
the top of a screen door for 42 minutes before Torres shot him.
Torres remains on paid
administrative duty.
After Fairfax police refused to
provide Torres’s internal affairs files to Fairfax Commonwealth’s Attorney
Raymond F. Morrogh, he referred the case to the Justice Department in January
2014, where it has remained.
In an interview Wednesday,
Grassley said he decided to get involved in the incident both because it had
become a federal matter, one in which the Senate Judiciary Committee has
oversight, and because “transparency brings accountability. The big picture is
what can police departments learn from this?”
In Tuesday’s letter to Fairfax Police
Chief Edwin C. Roessler Jr., Grassley said the police department’s “refusal to
cooperate with the Commonwealth Attorney” led Morrogh to shift the case to the
U.S. attorney. This forced “the expenditure of limited federal resources on an
investigation that should have been handled at the state level,” the senator
wrote.
Grassley noted that after the
case went to federal prosecutors, Fairfax police still refused to provide
Torres’s internal affairs files “until ordered to do so by the court, after over
two months of litigation.”
Grassley said Fairfax police
used the federal investigation as an excuse not to release any information
about the case, and “now we know that FCPD unnecessarily prolonged that
investigation by its failure to cooperate.”
Grassley asked Roessler to
provide the date when he learned that “at least four of these officers provided
accounts of the shooting that conflicted with that of Officer Torres.” He also
asked what information the police had provided to members of the Fairfax Board
of Supervisors.
The county’s chief spokesman,
Tony Castrilli, said Fairfax “will continue to cooperate fully with the Senate
inquiries.” He said the county had no experience with Senate inquiries and had
hired “additional legal expertise,” led by Mark Bierbower, who represented
baseball slugger Mark McGwire during congressional inquiries into his use of
steroids.
A Justice Department spokesman
did not respond to a request for comment on Grassley’s letter.
Tom Jackman is a native of
Northern Virginia and has been covering the region for The Post since 1998.
Editorial: Not the First or Only Time
Secrecy around police shootings
has been a problem for at least a decade.
By Mary Kimm
The official position of the
Fairfax County Board of Supervisors on the need for changes in policy after the
shooting of John Geer by police in Springfield in August of 2013 appears to be
that this is the first time police policies have been a problem:
“Policies for handling police-involved
incidents, which served us well for decades, were inadequate in this
complicated situation.”
Police-involved shootings have
resulted in excruciating obfuscation and delay by Fairfax County Police dating
back more than a decade. In this editorial, we refer to two high-profile cases,
but these are not the only cases where police secrecy had caused incalculable
pain to families while damaging the credibility of the police and other county
officials. And this issue is not limited to Fairfax County. Alexandria and
Arlington use similar approaches to limit public access to information.
Most Northern Virginia
residents think very highly of their police. We are very safe here. People
understand that sometimes mistakes happen, that sometimes force is needed, and
that sometimes police will exercise deadly force. What they are unlikely to
accept is secrecy that shrouds mistakes, and failure to take responsibility for
explaining events of deadly force.
We’ll quote the father of David
Masters who wrote a letter to the Mount Vernon Gazette (a Connection Newspaper)
in June, 2013, two months before John Geer was shot:
“I am the father of David Masters. David was
shot to death by a Fairfax County police officer on Nov. 13, 2009 while sitting
in his truck at a stop at the intersection of Route 1 and Fort Hunt Road. I
don’t know any more about the circumstances of this grim fatality now than I
did then and now, as then, the records of this tragedy are not available to
anyone outside the police department. The officer who shot my son was
ultimately and I must say secretly fired by the then police chief, David
Rohrer. But even that was done without any admission of culpability by anyone
in the county. … I don’t understand why the Virginia Freedom of Information Act
gives blanket exemption to police matters. ... As it is now, the police department
can, and seemingly does, operate in a culture of complete autonomy without fear
that its actions will be held up to any kind of scrutiny.”
The Connection reported in 2006
about the accidental shooting of an unarmed Salvatore J. "Sal" Culosi
Jr. during his arrest on gambling charges:
“With red-rimmed eyes and her voice cracking,
Anita Culosi expressed outrage Thursday evening [March 30, 2006] that a Fairfax
County police officer will not be charged with a crime for accidentally killing
her 37-year-old son. ‘My son is laying in a cemetery,’ she said, surrounded by
family members holding framed pictures of her son. “That man pulled a trigger
and shot my son dead.’"
Anita Culosi's son, Salvatore
J. "Sal" Culosi Jr., was accidentally shot to death by a Fairfax
County SWAT team officer on Jan. 24 outside his Fair Oaks townhouse. He had
been under investigation for illegal sports gambling for the previous three
months, accepting at least $28,000 in bets from an undercover Fairfax County
detective.
In July, 2012, more than a year
before John Geer was shot and killed, a group of citizens identified four
cases, including Masters and Culosi, where police secrecy continued to block
questions about shooting deaths. Citizens Coalition for Police Accountability
characterized “questionable circumstances” around the shootings, noted that no
one, including the families of the deceased victims, had been able to obtain a
police incident report despite the fact that the four cases are closed.
CCPA Executive Director
Nicholas Beltrante sent letters asking for the release of documents, “to find
out what happened in the shooting deaths, why deadly force was used instead of
a taser gun or beanbag gun, and to find out if police misconduct took place.”
Beltrante said: “Our letters
will highlight to the public the importance of amending the Virginia FOIA to
require the release of police incident reports, and the value of improving
police accountability by creating an independent police citizen oversight panel
made up of Fairfax county citizens …. Unnecessary use of deadly force by the
police, if it is occurring, will undermine the integrity and confidence of the
public in our police and our elected officials.”
The revelations about the
shooting of John Geer as a result of a civil lawsuit seriously undermine the
credibility of the investigation process.
Aside from the officer who shot
Geer, four other officers on the scene told investigators that same day that
they were shocked by the shot that killed Geer and thought the shooting was
unnecessary. (One officer described his first reaction: “WTF.”) There was no
weapon in view, although Geer was a gun owner and had a holstered gun nearby.
Geer made great effort to be predictable in his actions, asking permission to
scratch his nose, otherwise keeping his hands up on the doorframe.
But a day after the shooting,
police released the following update:
“The preliminary investigation indicates that
when officers arrived on the scene, they were met by an individual who
displayed what appeared to be a weapon in a threatening manner and was
subsequently shot.”
And last month, before the
statements of the other officers were released, the police released this update
with the name of the officer:
“Geer was reported as having multiple firearms
inside the home, displaying a firearm that he threatened to use against the
police, and refused the officers’ requests that he remain outside and speak to
them. Officers, including a trained negotiator, attempted to peaceably resolve
the situation. They spoke with Geer for more than 30 minutes as he stood in the
doorway of his home. When Geer began lowering his hands at one point during the
negotiations, PFC Adam Torres fired a single shot that struck Geer.”
But investigators knew that the
negotiator had not seen Geer holding a weapon.
We don’t agree with this
statement by Bulova: “The Board of Supervisors has taken the steps needed to
ensure its policies allow for justice to be fairly and swiftly served.”
This is not an isolated case.
The Board of Supervisors must demand transparency from the police.
A death in the Fairfax jail renews questions about transparency
By Editorial Board February 12
NATASHA McKENNA, a 37-year-old
woman who had been diagnosed as a child with schizophrenia, died Sunday, five
days after she struggled with guards at the Fairfax County Adult Detention
Center. The struggle ended when they shot her with a stun gun, apparently
multiple times. As Ms. McKenna lay on life support in a hospital before dying,
her mother took photos of her battered body — two black eyes, a missing or
amputated finger, severe bruises running the length of her left arm.
Fairfax County authorities — the
sheriff’s department, which runs the jail, and the police department are
investigating — now face a choice: They can promptly release full details of
the circumstances that led to her death, including video of the incident at the
jail. Or they can delay, stonewall and attempt to evade accountability — a
pattern of conduct in another recent case that has tainted the county’s
reputation.
Ms. McKenna, an African
American woman with a 7-year-old daughter, had a history of erratic behavior
but no serious criminal convictions. She was detained Jan. 15 after making a
commotion in public, then struggling with Alexandria police officers who tried
to restrain her. She punched one officer in the face and tried to bite others.
Rather than jail her,
Alexandria police did the sensible thing: They brought her to a local hospital
for psychiatric evaluation, then moved her two days later to Inova Mount Vernon
Hospital in Fairfax, where she received psychiatric care for several more days.
Then the system broke down.
Rather than being transferred to a state psychiatric facility, Ms. McKenna was
picked up on Jan. 26 by Fairfax County police. Acting on a felony-assault
warrant from Alexandria for punching the cop, they delivered her to the
detention center, the main jail in Fairfax. There she sat for eight days. Why?
The violent encounter took
place Feb. 3, when the Sheriff’s Emergency Response Team — at least five
officers in black helmets, visors and heavy padding — tried to transfer her to
Alexandria.
According to Pete Earley, a
writer in Fairfax who covers mental health issues, the officers entered her
isolation cell, struggled with Ms. McKenna, who stood about 5 feet 3 inches
tall and weighed 130 pounds, and shot her with the stun gun. Transported to a
local hospital, she never regained consciousness.
Fairfax Sheriff Stacey Kincaid,
who oversees the jail, Police Chief Edwin C. Roessler Jr. and Sharon Bulova
(D), chairman of the county Board of Supervisors, are all promising a prompt
and transparent investigation.
That must include releasing the
video of the violent encounter (whose existence county officials confirm), the
medical examiner’s report and relevant documents from both the sheriff’s and
police department’s investigations. The public also deserves to know whether guards
at the jail, including the emergency response team, have received training in
crisis intervention — training that Ms. Kincaid, in¬cred¬ibly, has suggested is
not important for officers who deal with inmates.
Full disclosure would be a
departure from the county’s 18-month exercise in foot-dragging and obfuscation
in the death of John Geer, the unarmed man shot by a Fairfax police officer in
2013 as he stood in the doorway of his home. The handling of Ms. McKenna’s
death will determine whether the county has learned any lessons.
Fairfax County Judge Orders More John Geer Materials Released
Family’s lawyer’s motions
supported.
By Tim Peterson
Though extensive, the thousands
of pages of documents, dozens of audio files and handful of videos released
last month by Fairfax County, documenting the shooting death of Springfield
resident John Geer, aren’t exhaustive.
On Feb. 6, Michael Lieberman,
the lawyer representing Geer’s family and partner Maura Harrington, brought
several motions to Fairfax County Circuit Court, compelling the county to
produce additional materials.
Geer was shot by Fairfax County
Police Officer PFC Adam Torres Aug. 29, 2013, while he stood in the doorway of
his home with hands raised. The county’s Jan. 30 public release includes documentation
of the initial internal criminal investigation of the incident by the Fairfax
County Police Department.
Judge Randy I. Bellows granted
some of Lieberman’s requests and deferred the one for Torres’ closed Internal
Affairs personnel file.
“What did county know, when did they know it
and what did they do about it?” said Lieberman, who first filed a $12 million
civil suit in December 2014 against FCPD Police Chief Edwin C Roessler and
unknown officers who were involved with the incident.
Lieberman is seeking “factual
and evaluative” information regarding another incident, when Torres reportedly
had an outburst with Assistant Commonwealth’s Attorney Charles Peters in a
courtroom, in March 2013. The county has a Feb. 20 deadline to produce that
investigation file.
Since Lieberman’s suit was
filed before Fairfax County released the name of Geer’s shooter, he is also
planning to amend the initial complaint, adding Torres’ name and names of the
FCPD supervisors who were on the scene and assisted remotely.
Bellows’ ruling favors
Lieberman’s request for release of those other officers’ information, and gives
Lieberman until March 6 to file an amendment to the complaint.
In an interview, Lieberman said
this case has “very similar attributes” to the 2006 death of Salvatore J
Culosi, with which he was also involved. Culosi was killed by another FCPD
officer in front of his Fair Lakes area townhouse.
Lieberman said “through expert
testimony and through a test of the police department officer who shot Dr.
Culosi,” it was clear the officers were violating rules of weapon control,
including pointing at people without imminent danger.
In addition to his other
discovery requests, the lawyer wants to know if Fairfax County has made an
effort to retrain officers since the Culosi killing.
“From our mind, the county should’ve been on
notice,” Lieberman said. “You have a problem: No one’s doing it. That’s called
a custom. It was a problem in 2006 and surely was a problem in 2013. Maybe it
was all avoidable if they had just done something different. Maybe Mr. Geer
would be alive today.”
vampires investigate theft at bloodbank
Police Evaluate Natasha
McKenna's In-Custody Death for Criminal Violations
By Jackie Bensen
Fairfax County Police are investigating
the death of a 37-year-old inmate who was placed on life support and later died
after being Tased by deputies. News4's Jackie Bensen reports.
Fairfax County Police are
investigating the death of a 37-year-old inmate who was placed on life support
and later died after being Tased by deputies.
Natasha McKenna was seen at a
Hertz Rental car location on Pickett Street on Jan. 15, where employees said
she was being disruptive and acting strangely, police said. She ran from
police, who found her in a Home Depot. McKenna ran again, police said.
More police responded and
caught McKenna. Police said she resisted their attempts to arrest her,
including punching one officer and trying to bite them. Police said they put
her in a "hobble restraint device" to restrict her movements and a
"spit sock" to prevent biting.
McKenna was hospitalized at
INOVA Alexandria Hospital, where she remained until she was arrested Jan. 26
and charged with assaulting a law enforcement officer.
Inmate Dies While In Custody of
Fairfax County Police
An inmate was pulled off life
support Sunday after she had a medical emergency at the Fairfax County
Detention Center. (Published Sunday, Feb 8, 2015)
McKenna was in the process of
being transported from the Fairfax County jail to the Alexandria city jail Feb.
3 when deputies say she failed to comply with their commands and resisted them.
A deputy then used a Taser multiple times to restrain her.
After being stunned, Elbert
said a medic checked on and cleared McKenna, and that she was then moved to
another area of the jail, where she began experiencing a medical emergency.
Deputies and medical staff began life-saving measures before McKenna was taken
to a hospital and put on life support.
Elbert said minutes passed
between when McKenna was stunned and her medical emergency but didn't know how
many. "It was not an immediate thing,'' he said.
"Based on the family
pictures, bruising on the arm, two black eyes, a missing finger ... I mean,
this was a violent exchange," advocate for the mentally ill Peter Earley
said.
Elbert declined to say how many
times the deputy stunned McKenna and where on her body she was hit. He also
declined to elaborate about how she resisted the deputies trying to transport
her.
Sources told News4 the first
officers who responded to the jail for the report of an unconscious inmate were
turned away from the jail, and told they were not needed. Those same sources
said it wasn't until four or five days later when McKenna died that detectives
were able to start their investigation.
The Fairfax County Police
Department launched an investigation into her death, and announced Thursday
they'll search for any criminal liability that may have been committed during
the incident.
Albuquerque police officer, wife charged with child abuse
ALBUQUERQUE, N.M. (AP) - A
fired Albuquerque police officer and his wife appeared in court Sunday for
allegedly abusing the woman's son.
KOB-TV reports
(http://bit.ly/1MoKBS9) that 31-year-old Skyler McClaskey and 34-year-old Jodi
McClaskey were arraigned on one count each of child abuse.
A judge ordered the couple held
on $15,000 cash bond and to not have contact with the boy.
New Mexico State Police say
officials at Edgewood Middle School noticed several bruises on the boy's body
on Friday.
According to a criminal
complaint, Skyler McClaskey's stepson told police his stepfather slapped him
for getting into a spat with his sister. He allegedly slapped the boy
repeatedly and the mother grabbed the boy's hair.
This weeks sexual assault against children by your local police
NYPD
cop accused of raping girlfriend’s teen daughter
By Natasha Velez
An off-duty NYPD sergeant
carried on a sexual relationship with his girlfriend’s underage daughter for a
year and a half before the child reported it to police, cops said Wednesday.
Vladimir Krull, 37, allegedly
carried out the relationship with the girl, 14, in The Bronx, while he was
dating her mother, according to sources.
He and the mother have since
split, a police source said.
The child told police they
started the inappropriate relationship in September 2013 and continued it
through Sunday, when she reported it, according to a criminal-court complaint.
Krull was assigned to the
Midtown North Precinct.
He joined the force in July
2004 and was promoted to sergeant in 2013. Krull earned $112,185 last year,
according to public records.
He was arrested Tuesday
afternoon and has been charged with rape, criminal sex act, sexual misconduct,
endangering the welfare of a child, forcible touching and sex misconduct, cops
said. He is suspended without pay.
Veteran
Miami-Dade officer accused of possessing child porn
James Edwards arrested while on
house arrest from prior case
Author: Andrew Perez,
MIAMI-DADE COUNTY, Fla. -
A veteran Miami-Dade police
sergeant is back in jail facing charges on 12 counts of possessing child
pornography.
James Edwards was arrested
Thursday and taken to the Turner Guilford Knight Correctional Center.
The 27-year veteran officer was
already on house arrest from an open case from August.
According to documents, Edwards
was first arrested after he brought two teen brothers to his home to do some
landscaping.
He allegedly admitted to giving
the teens marijuana, the drug "Molly" and then began touching himself
and masturbating in front of the minors.
It was after that arrest that
detectives began examining his electronics.
Several hard drives and
computers were removed from the residence, according to sources. Several
explicit images and videos of underage boys engaging in sexual acts were
uncovered during the investigation.
The images and videos were sent
to a doctor, who confirmed the boys were underage.
Sources said some of the images
were downloaded from the Internet and others were generated by Edwards himself.
Edwards also faces charges of
lewd and lascivious conduct and exhibition.
Wewoka
police officer sentenced for rape of 15-year-old
OKLAHOMA CITY —A former Wewoka police officer
was sentenced to five years in prison Thursday after he pleaded guilty to
second-degree rape.
According to the attorney
general's office, former Officer Trever Blackwell had sex with a 15-year-old
girl while on duty between August 2011 and January 2012.
The crimes, some of which
occurred in a cop car, took place while the girl was taking part in Wewoka PD's
Explorer program.
Blackwell will be required to
register as a sex offender after being released from prison.
Coroner questions police in cop's case
Kimball
Perry,
Cincinnati
police have closed the criminal case of former officer Darrell Beavers, without
doing any DNA testing to determine who else might have been involved in the sexual activity that took
place in his false police substation scheme. Police said the $10,000 cost to do
DNA testing was too expensive – comments Hamilton County's coroner questions.
"We
never said, 'No, we're not going to do this' or 'This is going to cost
$10,000,' " Coroner Dr. Lakshmi Sammarco said.
Beavers pleaded guilty in
June to illegal use of a minor in nudity-oriented material and
attempted tampering with evidence and was sentenced to one year in prison. Last
week, a judge allowed Beavers to leave prison to serve six months in the
Hamilton County Justice Center and the rest of his sentence under house arrest.
Beavers,
a Cincinnati police officer since 2002, set up two fake police substations
where police said, and evidence indicated, that frequent sexual activity took
place. After Beavers' guilty plea and sentence, police dropped the case. The
Enquirer asked why, and why no DNA testing was done to see if others,
especially police officers, were involved.
Police
spokeswoman Tiffaney Hardy told The Enquirer on Thursday that the $10,000 cost
to test DNA from the Beavers case was prohibitive. As a result, police closed
the case.
"We're
still processing the evidence, so I don't know why they'd say that,"
coroner Sammarco said of Cincinnati police.
When
contacted Monday, Hardy said she'd look into the issue.
Chief
Jeffrey Blackwell reopened the case last fall. Bedding from the substation was
submitted to the coroner's office for DNA testing. The difficulty, Blackwell
said at the time, is getting police to voluntarily submit to DNA testing if DNA
other than Beavers' is found. The case, Hardy said, was closed "unless
other victims or people come forward."
At
Beavers' sentencing, police said they asked Beavers to talk to them about who
else, including other police officers, might have been involved, but he
refused.
"We
have quite a few stains on sheets, several semen stains," Sammarco said.
Sammarco
admits other samples are needed to compare against the stains, but wonders why
police haven't contacted her recently about this and haven't even passed along
Beavers' DNA which was taken as part of the investigation.
That may
not be an issue now.
Upon
entering prison, all Ohio inmates have DNA taken by having the insides of their
mouths swabbed. Now, Beavers' DNA can be requested by Sammarco from the state
prison system. If anyone other than Beavers' DNA is found at the scene, that
means others were involved.
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