(Photo: Melanie Stetson Freeman/'The Christian
Science Monitor' via Getty Images)
SEP 18, 2016
Rebecca McCray is a staff writer
covering social justice. She is based in New York.
Sometimes it seems there are
almost as many suggestions for how to discourage police misconduct as there are
new headlines describing violent encounters between police and civilians.
Officer-worn body cameras, better data collection, decreasing police presence,
and reducing the use of military-grade equipment are just a few ideas that have
been floated or put into practice in the last several years as the names of
victims—Michael Brown, Sandra Bland, Walter Scott, and the latest, Tyre
King—continue to flood in.
One unusual suggestion surfaced
this year in Minneapolis, where a team of activists and community organizers
tried—and failed—to mandate professional liability insurance for police
officers. The campaign, which was organized by a group called the Committee for
Professional Policing, argued that if individuals were required to pay out of
pocket for the rising costs of premiums associated with their misconduct,
police would be less likely to engage in bad behavior.
“We as [Minneapolis] taxpayers
pay roughly $2.5 million per year for bad police misconduct,” the group’s
founder, Michelle Gross, told TakePart. “We started thinking there has to be a
better answer to this problem.”
The fatal shooting of Jamar Clark
by a Minneapolis police officer in March drew the nation’s eyes to Minnesota
and resulted in a Justice Department investigation. In June, the department
announced that it would decline to bring civil rights charges against the two
officers connected with Clark’s death. This was one of many disappointments
that led Gross and her fellow activists to believe a creative, systemic
approach was necessary to spark change.
After collecting 15,000
signatures for an initiative that would have put the police insurance amendment
on the city’s ballot—they only needed 5,000—Gross felt optimistic. In July,
City Attorney Susan Segal ruled the proposal would be illegal under state law.
The group appealed to the state Supreme Court, which upheld Segal’s ruling in
late August. Bob Kroll, president of the Police Officers Federation of
Minneapolis, the local union, was pleased with the court’s decision. “This was
a harebrained idea to begin with,” he said in an interview with TakePart.
To Stop Police Brutality, Do We
Need to Stop Policing?
“This widespread misconduct and
corruption that they talk about doesn’t exist,” Kroll continued, saying that he
believes Gross to be “mentally unstable.”
In spite of the initiative’s
major setback, the concept appeals to police reform advocates around the
country. Samuel Sinyangwe, a policy analyst who works with the anti–police
violence group Campaign Zero, told TakePart that liability insurance could be
“an important component of a broader systemic approach that…ensures
department-wide accountability.”
Sinyangwe points out that some
cities require misconduct settlements to come out ofpolice department budgets
rather than the city’s coffers, which imposes a greater burden on police. The
threat of financial liability on departments or individuals could discourage misconduct
more acutely than broader reforms, some advocates argue.
“Officers aren’t on the financial
hook right now,” said Seth Stoughton, a former Florida police officer turned
professor at the University of South Carolina School of Law. “More than 98 percent
of the time, a police union, department, or the city indemnifies litigation
costs that fall on individual officers.”
Though Gross said her campaign
consulted with insurance and legal experts when crafting the amendment, the
court’s ruling emphasizes how challenging it may be to mandate individual
liability insurance. Stoughton expressed concern that in practice, departments
or city agencies might continue to pay the rising costs of premiums as part of
an officer’s benefits package.
“I don’t know that it’s
politically feasible anywhere to prohibit agencies or municipalities from
paying those costs,” said Stoughton. Beyond political roadblocks, individual
officers aren’t likely to have the kind of money that might be required in a
court settlement, or even to shoulder premium costs. Still, Stoughton
emphasized that this kind of “experimental” campaign is a valuable approach to
addressing a long-standing problem in policing.
“This kind of out-of-the-box
thinking is what needs to happen, because we have a number of systemic or
structural issues that contribute to police problems,” he said.
Setbacks aside, Gross and her
team are moving forward with their campaign outside Minneapolis. Because city
charters vary greatly, they think they might have better luck pushing forward
an amendment in St. Paul or Bloomington. Gross said she is also consulting with
organizers in cities such as Las Vegas, Ferguson, Missouri, and Oakland,
California, where she said liability insurance campaigns are being considered.
“People talk about bad cops and
good cops,” said Gross. “This is about a bad system that validates bad policing
and allows it to go on. This would provide better protection for those officers
who do not engage in bad conduct.”
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